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Lit review (theory half) - Coggle Diagram

- - - - This creates space to catagorise Islamist, and other political groups within four groupings: Islamic theocrats, secular autocrats, islamic democrats and secular democrats (Brenner, 2016, p20).
- - - - As will be explored in this essay inculsion and moderation theory is not an iron clad rule and has some flaws. FThe first of these is that the theory assumes that political parties are focused on winning office, however, this is not all political parties (Tepe, p6, 2019). In the case of a party not looking to win elections we are unlikely to see the movement moderate its postions even if they are allowed to compete in elections (Tepe, 2019). The seccond flaw is that moderation within autocratic regimes does not necessirly mean a movement towards democracy and can instead mean a movement to a more accepting stance towards the governing regime (Tezcür, 2010). The final flaw in the theory is the risk of reading short term moderation as long term change instead of a tempory adaption (Tepe, 2019).
        
        Despite these flaws inclusion and moderation theory can help us partly explain Hamas' participation in the 2006 elections.
- - - - This essay will focus on the psychological ideology of Islamist groups. To gain an understanding of this form of ideology we need to enage in empirical studies of what political groups say and do, espically when they are in, or trying to gain, power (Butler, Penniman and Ranney, pp27-30, 1981 and Haas, pp114-115, 2022).
        
        This process faces its own challanges, espically for understnading the Muslim Brotherhood. Scholars looking at political parties to decide what groups think often enage with a set of key data: manifestos, expert opinions and the views of senoir members (Ecker et al, 2022 and Braun, 2023) as well as how the movements act when they are in power (Butler, Penniman and Ranney, p28, 1981).
        
        However, in mulitple of these areas there are limitations. With regards to the Muslim Brotherhood they were only in power for two years (https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/egypts-muslim-brotherhood), although this gives us some evidence into how they would act, this is still a very short period of time. This is further limited by crackdowns on the group which has meant that they have been unable to particpate in elections and outline manifstos (https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/egypts-muslim-brotherhood).
        
        In studying both groups we are still able to rely on experts who have enaged in interviews with members of both groups and these experts have formed the backbone of this study.
        
        The study of Hamas faces fewer problems as there is a long period of time inwhich we can study how the group has operated in government (Brenner, 2016). Despite Hamas not particpatin in elections, they have, since their take over, effectivly produced a new manifesto with the release of their new charter in 2017 which outlines the groups goals and thinking (MEE staff, 2017).
- - - - In this essay we will measure democracy along the lines of liberal democracy, however, this remains a term that is relatively unclear and needs furher clarification.
        
        In his work Democracy and its critics Robert Dhal outlines four useful criteria to which we can measure a system's democratic potential and which can be used to measure a movements attachement to democracy (1989). These criteria are: effective partipication, equal say in politics, enlightned understanding and control of the agenda (Dahl, 1989, pp106-118).
        
        This vision of a democratic state is one in which citizens are able to equally enage with the democratic process often through the representive democracy and an equality of voting individuals (i.e. one person, one vote), this ensures that the democratic system ensures everyone's voice is heard (Dahl, 1989, pp106-110). This process has to be supported by a populace that has an understanding of politics and the world around them so that they can properly make decisions (Dahl, 1989, p112). The final crieria requires that the political system is free of interference and that the citizenry, through the democratic process, are able to govern themselves (Dahl, 1989, pp112-114).
        
        This final criteria does work to limit the degree of democracy we can see in Palestine and Hamas goverance due to the Israeli occuption of Gaza and the West Bank.
        
        Using these two definations we can create a vision of liberal democracy that largely means a political system in which individual citizens are equal and contorlled by them. This system requires both the theorictical and actualised rights to understanding politics, havign a say in politics, membership, support and recorgination of the opposition.
        
        Dahl's work is supported by the work of Nicholas Wolterstorff and Terence Cuneo.
        
        This vision of liberal democracy advocated for a system where people are protected by a constitution and are in position of equal right to full political voice (i.e. equality in particpation) (Wolterstorff and Cuneo, 2012). This required people to be supported in their understanding of politics, equality of access to politics, a willingness of the government to accept the legitamacy and presence of the opposition and fairness to all views (Wolterstorff and Cuneo, 2012).
        
        However, in our understanding democracy, we must also tackle the issue of religion in politics. Liberalism has had a secularising trend which has often be a ceorcive process against religious people (Wolterstorff and Cuneo, 2012).
        
        This has at times meant the promotion of laicism, but which is not necessary. Religion and liberal democracy can coexist, but as Wolterstorff religous groups need to concede ground to ensure that they respect the rights of other citizens (Wolterstorff and Cuneo, 2012).
        
        What they suggest is that religions must accept: the seperation of church and state, equality of citizens in the eyes of the state and equality of citizens regardless of religion (Wolterstorff and Cuneo, 2012, pp292-295).
        
        These restrictions are necessary to protect individual rights and equality which is necessary for democracy. If a system rejected any of these three principles then the system would create a polity that was unequal and favour one religion over the other, fundamentally underming the principles of personal equality that are key to liberal democracies.
  - - - Although this represents a degree of agreement there remains areas that complicate what Islamism is and espically what it means to establish an Islamic order. One of the primary focuses of this Islamic order is the enactment of sharia law as represented by key thinkers such as both Hasan al-Banna and Sayyid Qutb (Euben, R.L and Zaman, M.Q. 2009. Princeton Reading in Islamist Thought. Princeton: Princeton University Press (p74 and 131)). However, what this means also raises important questions.
        
        Polling in Palestine suggests that anti-corruption and the provision of basic services are the most essential elements of Sharia law and that issues such as physical punishments are only the most important elements of sharia law of about 8-14% of people (Arab Barometer, 2019, pp17-18).
        
        However, polling by Pew Research suggests that most Palestianians see Sharia law as including religous figures intervening in family disputes, physical penalties for theft, stonning for adultery and death of aptosy (Pew Research, 2013). Furthermore there remain large minorities of the Muslim world (including 42% of Palestinains) who do not agree with the idea that there is only one interpreation of sharia (Pew Research, 2013).
      - Disagreements however, exist between the scholars. Mozaffari places a greater focus on expansionary and violent currents within Islamist idoelogy to stipulate that its 'final aim is the conquest of the world by all means.’ (2007, p21). Other scholars question whether the creation of an Islamic order is necesarily a key component of Islamism and instead call for a broad defination focused on Islamisation (Hinnebusch, Cavatorta and Storm, 2020, pp33-34).
    - - For this essay we will use a defination of Islamism that draws primarily on the work of Akbarzadeh and Sadiki that argues that Islamism is: a political ideology that rejects the modern Western world and seeks to establish an Islamic order inwhich Islamic law forms the foundations of politics (Akbarzadeh, 2012 and Sadiki, 2004).
        
        Although this is a still a very broad concept it is important to note the amount of territory that other political ideologies cover.
        
        Although what Islamic law is a debated topic, Islamist movements attempt to implement their vision of the law and there interpretions should be accepted as versions of Islamic law if that is their claim.