Please enable JavaScript.
Coggle requires JavaScript to display documents.
Pol4 Counties Other Readings - Coggle Diagram
Pol4 Counties Other Readings
Michael Mann (The autonomous power of the state)
Types of Power
despotic and infrastructural power discussed through centrality and territoriality
'most definitions contain two different levels of analysis, the 'institutional' and the 'functional'
'despotic power of the stake elite' = 'the range of actions which the elite is empowered to undertake without routine, institutionalised negotiation with civil society groups'
'infrastructural power' = 'the capacity of the state to actually penetrate civil society'
capitlaist democracies are ''despotically weak' but 'infrastructurally strong''
says that who controls the state 'in the capitalist democracies is less likely to be 'an autonomous state elite' than in most historic societies' because 'most of the formal leadership is elected and recallable'
War
'the state is still nothing in itself: it is merely the embodiment of physical force in society. The state is not an arena where domestic economic/ ideological issues are resolved, rather it is an arena in which military force is mobilized domestically and used domestically and, above all, internationally'
Class
contrasts 'state elites with power groupings whose base lies outside the sate, in 'civil society' and who 'in line with the moderl of power underlying my workd, I divide these into three: ideological, economic, and military groups'
'in the whole of the history of the development of the infrastructure of power there is virtually no technique which belongs necessarily to the state, or conversely to civil society'
class as divided economically (even within classes?) '
economic
' power groupings-classes, corporations, merchant houses, manors, plantations, the
oikos
, etc.- normally exist in decentred, competitive or conflictual relations with one another'
purposes of state has been maintenance of internal order, military defence/aggression, maintenance of communication infrastructures and economic redistribution
Harald Wydra (Communism and Democracy)
'the institutional conception of political democracy emerged as a by-product of its social foundations'
considerations of emergence of democracy post-communism must consider 'the aspirations, expectations, and hopes formulated by people under conditions of oppression and the denial of democratic rights and opportunities'
'transformative experiences can be considered as a methodological tool by which to understand the 'rationality' of action in dramatic revolutionary situations characterised by uncertainty and the brokenness of political reality'
'formation of consciousness and dispositions of actors in the authority vacuum'
'revolutionary events can be approached through the acts of symbolisation that re-establish the equilibrium lost by the dissolution of order'
need to see 'effects on identities as well as on interpretations of pasts and futures'
French rev example: 'the French REvolution not only targeted the absolute power of the monarch, but had to legitimate a newly erected constitutional order whose founders were themselves unconstitutional. Their authority to set down the fundamental law relied on the ned to define identities and interests of the people not by means of constitutionality and granted political authority but in a legal void.
'whereas before the nineteenth century political society relied on largely determined relations between corporate parts of society, the 'democratic moment' introduced radical indeterminacy by disientangling the legitimate basis of politicla power, the sources of moral and legal norms, and the production of knowledge'
'before democracy is institutionalised, the 'people' must acquire a self-consciousness that power emanates from it and is exercised by it (or its representatives) for the good of the whole community'
agrees with 'the standard view that conceives democratisation processes as characterised by the revolutionary effects of bureaucratic rationalisation and institutional differentiation'
'any mirrored opposition between communism and democracy is flawed'
communism 'generated a civilisation and a way of life, in which people had to make sense of their existence with what was there'
Rogers Brubaker (Nationalism Reframed)
International patterns
seeming demise of the nation-state, ''1992' came to stand for the abolition of national frontiers'
but was 'rudely preempted by 1991, when war, once again entwined with powerfully mobilizing myths of nationhood, broke out in Europe'
but resistance to Maastricht Treaty, currency crisis of 1992-23, Yugoslav crisis and migration
'the organization of political space along national lines seemed increasingly ill-matched to social, economic, and cultural realities'
state seen as 'too small to serve as an effective unit of coordination in an increasingl internationalized world, too large and remote to be a plausible legitimate unit of identification'
Triad & 3 Nationalisms
'the forms of nationalism that have
resulted
from the nationalization of political space are different from- and less familiar than- those that helped
engender
it'
'triad linking national minorities, the newly nationalizing states in which they live, and the external national 'homelands' to which they belong'
3 'distinct and mutually antagonistic nationalisms'
'nationalizing nationalisms of newly independent (or newly reconfigured) states' w national claims on basis of 'ethnocultural terms' but conceiving of the core nation 'as being in a weak cultural, economic, or demographic position within the state'
'transborder nationalisms' of 'externational national homelands' that 'protect the interests of 'their' ethnonational kin in other states' where 'homeland, in this sense, is a political, not an ethnographic category'
'national minorities with 'a self-understanding in specifically 'national' rather than merely 'ethnic' terms' with an 'assertion of certain collective, nationality-based cultural or political rights'
'nationalism can and should be understood without invoking 'nations' as substantial entities'; instead of looking at them as 'real groups' should understand the 'practical uses of the category 'nation', the ways it cn come to structure perception, to inform thought and experience, to organize discourse and political action'
Soviet 'institutionalized multinationality' that made to 'institutionalize both territorial natonhood and ethnocultural nationality as basic cognititve and social categories. Once political space began to expand under Gorbachev, these categories quickly came to structure political perception, inform political rehtoric, and organize political action'
'made claims to national autonomy, sovereignty, and secession conceivable, plausible, and ultimately compelling
Soviet System
Stephan Auer (Nationalism in Central Europe)
East vs West
'old notion of two essentially different forms of nationalism: the enlightened Western, that is supportive of democracy, and the 'backward' Eastern form'
Plamenatz 1973 says that C&EE people who's nations modernised later, suffered from 'a feeling of inferiority or inadequacy'
'relationship with the West was ambivalent, characterized by feeling of admiration mixed with envy and
resentment
'a point could be made that both the French and the German forms of nationalism were at least originally 'Eastern', in that htye both came into existence out of resentment and admiration for their more successful models'
'as the borders of Western civilization were being redefined, the Poles, Hungarians and Czechs, who were no longer seen as epitomizing the East, were set against the Slovaks, Bulgarians and Romanians'
success of democratic transition here 'shows, if nothing else, that ethnic nationalism need not be aggressive. Even ethnic nationalism, if culturally based, can be liberal'
Liberal nationalism
'liberal nationalism, which seeks to reconcile the universal demands of liberalism with particularist attachments to a national culture'
de Tocqueville and MIll show 'nationalism was originally regarded as progressive and supportive of the development of liberal democracy', seeing its as source of social solidarity
voluntary civic association by which 'everybody, at least in theory, could become a French or American citizen by acquiring the necessary civic virtues'
communists marginalised in US for not adhering to civic values
'in order to make liberal values relevant to a particular political community, they have to be articulated within the specific cultural context of that community'
'an unbiased approach to the study of nationalism (s) in Central Europe reveals that all the countries have a very good chance of sustaining their liberal democracies with the help of liberal nationalism'
Ethnocentric nationalism
in EE, 'it was assumed that owing to the lack of strong democratic traditions, people in these countries were prone to succumb to the lure of ethnocentric nationalism'
'while civic nationalism is usually asssociated with liebralism, exclusionary ethnic nationalism has often been conducive to authoritarian regimes'
'different manifestations of nationalism have more complex and ambivalent potentials than any dualistic classification would allow for'
'the other side of belonging, that is constitutive of all national identities, is always exclusion'
nationalism grew out of modern society that 'required mass literacy and a high degree of social mobility' so needed a national education system and shared vernacular- takes this argument from Gellner who 'concludes that modernization leads to nationalism and nationalism engenders nations, and not the other way around'
reluctant use of Hungarian instead of German in HUngarian parts of empire 'strengthened the HUngarian nationalist cause'
'most individuals cannot, or do not want to, do without a sense of belonging to a nation'
past as dependent on the present as the present is on the past, 'a nation's 'true character' is constantly being reinvented'
establishment of democracy 'was furthered by the optimistic belief of the Enlightenment that universal human history must lead to human emancipation and democracy