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FFP, Theoretical framework, Future - Coggle Diagram

- - - - p. 5 The WPS agenda, first adopted in 2000 through UN Security Council Resolution 1325, empha- sizes the disproportionate impact of conflict on women and their role in peacebuilding processes across four pillars: protection, participation, prevention, and relief and recovery. FFPs can overlap with state commitments on WPS in areas such as humanitarian and development assistance. While the WPS agenda is discussed prima- rily in the Security Council, linking it to FFP can help mainstream feminist approaches in other multilateral fora.
      - p. 5 Compared to FFPs, the WPS agenda is more institutionalized. There are now ten Security Council resolutions on WPS that are binding for all UN member states, and most countries have adopted national action plans (NAPs) to implement the agenda. Another ...difference is that FFPs are more closely tied to the identity of individual states. While the WPS agenda originated in civil society prior to institutionalization in states, FFP has done the opposite, originating in the state and moving top-down ...
    - - p. 8UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 was unanimously adopted on 31 October 2000 and established the 'women, peace and security' (WPS) agenda.
        
        Between 2005 and 2024, 108 UN member states (56% of all UN member states) had adopted UNSCR 1325 national action plans. Around 30% have expired.
      - GOals
        
        p. 8 The resolution reaffirms the important role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts, and equally in peace negotiations, peace-building, peacekeeping, humanitarian response and post-conflict reconstruction.
        
        Furthermore, it stresses the importance of women's equal participation and full involvement in all efforts related to the maintenance and promotion of peace and security.
        
        It also calls on all parties to conflicts to take special measures to protect women and girls from gender-based violence, particularly rape and other forms of sexual abuse, in situations of armed conflict.
  - - - The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) is the UN’s division focused on reproductive and sexual healthcare.
  - - - 593 [Strategic narratives] shape the nature of policy discussions on a specific topic or issue and lay out potential responses to that issue with conflict, war, encroachments on human rights, and gendered injustice and harm being instructive examples here.
        
        p 593States frequently engage in strategic storytelling that serves their interests and preferred value systems, with key omissions being present in such stories.
      - 595
        Some stories are privileged over others because configurations of power ‘legitimize, authorize and value certain narratives over others’.
  - - - p. 4 UN member states have also begun to forge a common vision for FFP, including at the seventy- eighth UN General Assembly in September 2023, when the FFP+ Group adopted a “Political Declaration on Feminist Approaches to Foreign Policy.” The FFP+ Group was formed in January 2022 and now includes nearly twenty states that either have an FFP or are interested in advancing feminist engagement in the multilateral space.14 While the group’s declaration does not lay out a common definition of FFP, it outlines six political commitments:15
    - - These differences notwithstanding, countries have begun to forge a common vision. In 2021, Spain and Sweden launched the Feminist Foreign Policy Group (FFP+) at the UN to promote the approach in the multilateral system. In September 2023, the group adopted a Political Declaration on Feminist Approaches to Foreign Policy setting out 10 common political commitments. In addition to the FFP+ Group, three ministerial conferences on shaping FFP have been held in Germany (2022), the Netherlands (2023), and Mexico (2024), with a fourth scheduled in France in June 2025.
- - - - p. 486 This is not to say that EU member states and political actors are uniformly enthusiastic about the emergence of this new global gender norm, but it has nevertheless helped to create the momentum for what could be seen as a “feminist moment” within foreign and security policy institutions.
      - p486 EU member states seem to have been particularly geared up to adopt this approach, pointing to the possible emergence of a European normative framework in this space, if not quite a consensus.
  - - - motivated by a curiosity to understand the impact of this normative endeavour on EU politics, policy and theorising.
  - - - p. 26 The analysis of this paper has identified five priority areas that would set the EU on course to adopt a comprehensive FFP
  - - - p. 8 The report prioritizes gender equality and outlines five relevant transformative measures: the repeal of discriminatory laws and the full realization of equal rights; the promo- tion of gender parity; women’s economic inclusion; the inclusion of younger women; and an emergency response plan to end violence against women and girls and other harmful social norms.
  - - - p. 1 As Europe finds itself in the most severe security crisis since the end of World War II, there is momentum to transform its external action.
      - p. 1 Given its supranational and inter-governmental nature, an explicit feminist foreign policy approach at the EU level represents the opportunity to amplify the promotion of gender equality and the empowerment of marginalised groups globally.
    - - Despite the fact that external policy is one of the oldest policy areas where the EU has advanced gender mainstreaming, scholars have not yet systematically attempted to analyse gender equality across the whole of the EU’s external actions.
- - - - p. 38 Sweden’s adoption of a feminist foreign policy is an attempt to push the gender-security nexus to the very center of global politics
  - - - p. 589 Sweden’s prospective NATO membership is an important case in point to examine, given that the country was until recently a champion of a feminist transformation of global politics, :check:being the first state to adopt a feminist foreign policy (FFP) in 2014
        
        p. 602 This feminization is in contrast to the rewriting of Sweden’s identity narrative, which centres on its capability to be a ‘serious military actor’, dedicated to the upgrading of its armed forces and, ultimately, militarism and masculinist leadership.
      - :check::warning: p. 590 However, in 2022 Sweden also became the first state to abandon its FFP,
    - - While the government of newly elected prime minister Ulf Kristersson might no longer carry the feminist torch, it still needs to live up to its obligations on gender equality and the rights of women and girls everywhere.
  - - - p. 212 Sweden’s adoption of a FFP in 2014 marked a significant shift in how Sweden approached foreign policy, seeking to become a strong global voice and advocate for gender equality and women’s rights,
      - p. 212 he trend towards FFP globally continues, despite the new govern‑ ment in Sweden capturing headlines through dropping its commitment to FFP
  - - - Developed a feminist trade policy.
      - Advocated for the integration of gender equality in trade agreement negotiations in recent years.
      - Developed certification for private security companies on their conduct in conflict areas.
      - Established new funds to channel resources to women’s organizations.
  - - - p. 1265 In order not to risk a backlash from voters, she contends, the government might at most cut funding for gender equality in ways that are proportionate to other reductions.
    - - p. 1265 + with the Russian war of aggression in Ukraine and Sweden’s accession to NATO in early 2024, many principles ...that seemed stable ... [are] ... quick to change.
      - pp. 1265 - 1266 thus reasons to believe that the government will attempt to scale back Swedish international support for gender equality...
  - - - p. 420 By promoting a FFP, Sweden is trying to spread its feminist values to other countries, both by acting as a role model and by actively promoting various aspects of the FFP in multilateral and bilateral relations.
    - - from end of p. 420 on
- - - - France announced its Feminist Diplomacy Policy in 2019, which has since morphed into FFP
    - - p. 1 France has developed a comprehensive accountability framework with timelines, indicators, and responsible stakeholders.
      - p. 2 Committed to reaching 50 percent of gender-focused aid by 2022, up from 30 percent in 2018.
  - - - (Aggestam & Rosamond, 2019)
        
        (Guerrina et al., 2023)
        
        p. 486 Since 2021, Cyprus, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Germany, Spain and Scotland have announced their intentions to engage with FFP (Ünlü 2020, p. 95, Bergman Rosamond et al. 2022).
        
        :check: p. 37 A growing number of states, including Canada, Norway, Sweden, Australia, and the United Kingdom, have adopted gender- and feminist-informed approaches to their foreign and security policies.
        
        (Aggestam, Bergman Rosamond, & Kronsell, 2019)
        
        A growing number of states including Canada, Norway and Sweden have adopted gender and feminist-informed approaches to their foreign and security policies.
      - (Wright, Guerrina, Haastrup, & Masselot, 2020)
        
        :check: recently Mexico, France and Luxembourg have declared feminist foreign policies.
      - Wright, 2024
        
        :check:p. 206 An increasing number of states have followed suit
        (Canada, Chile, France, Canada, France, Germany, Libya, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Mexico, Scotland, and Spain).
      - • (Ministerie van Algemene Zaken, 2022)
        
        the Netherlands joins a group of pioneer countries that are campaigning internationally for gender equality, including Germany, Spain, France, Luxembourg, Canada, Mexico and Chile
    - - p. 591 Several NATO members have adopted FFPs; however, the alliance itself has not, despite calls for it to do so.
    - - p. 1 the number of countries embracing this banner keeps growing. By October 2022, this list includes Sweden (2014), Canada (2017), France (2019), Mexico (2020), Spain (2021), Luxembourg (2021), Germany (2022), Chile (2022), Colombia (2022) and Liberia (2022).
        In the UK, three different political parties have pledged that they will pursue this if in power. In the United States, a resolution expressing support for this idea has been brought to the House of Representatives.
      - p.1 In January 2022, the Swedish Foreign Minister announced a Feminist Foreign Policy Plus Group that currently includes sixteen countries.
      - p. 1 All these countries have a national action plan on women, peace and security already. Some countries that have not adopted a feminist foreign policy have both a national action plan on women, peace and security and a foreign policy gender strategy, such as Norway or Australia.
      - p. 2 Sweden and Canada have promoted policies that include women's rights, inclusive governance, reproductive rights, and seek to prevent gender-based violence.
      - p. 2 Their priority actions cover a very broad range of issues, many of them already well established in women, peace and security frameworks, such as strengthening women’s meaningful participation in preventing conflict and violent extremism or increasing the number of women in peacekeeping, Several of them place great emphasis on women’s economic rights and empowerment, from women’s rights to land, inheritance, and ownership, to access to decent work, markets, capital, technology, or basic social services, to addressing the unpaid care burden.
  - - - (Wright, Guerrina, Haastrup, & Masselot, 2020)
        
        . Canada has badged its development programme as feminist,
      - UN women, 2022
        
        p. 2 Committed to ensuring that no less than 95 percent of bilateral international development assistance initiatives will target or integrate gender equality by 2022.
        
        p. 2 Committed to creating opportunities for women in the renewable energy sector, the transition to a low-carbon economy, and climate-smart food production.
    - - (Aggestam, Bergman Rosamond, & Kronsell, 2019)
        
        p. 24 Australia’s first female foreign minister, Julie Bishop, consistently promoted gender mainstreaming in international institutions while in office.
      - Needham, 2025
        
        Australia's new International Gender Equality Strategy aims to protect women's sexual and reproductive health rights and increase the security and financial inclusion of women.
    - - Un women 2022
        
        p. 2 Committed to reaching full employment parity, equal pay, and applying a gender lens to every foreign policy position, resolution, and mandate by 2024.
  - - - Intersectionality ... finding its way into FFP discourse. ... the Netherlands’ acknowledgement that “the situation is often even worse for minorities such as LGBTIQ+ people. Other factors, including ethnicity, religion and physical or other disabilities often determine the extent to which people experience additional unequal treatment.”
    - - What is the Netherlands doing? The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has been devoting a great deal of attention to ensuring meaningful participation by women, and to the effects that policy has on women, in grant awards, diplomacy and during negotiations at the EU and other international institutions, for example. The Netherlands also promotes women’s rights, gender equality, sexual rights and reproductive health, providing funding for activities and programmes, for instance.
      - Ministry of Foreign Affairs has put its feminist foreign policy into action in various ways,
        The Netherlands also spoke out against homophobia and discrimination in Slovakia after the murder of two LHBTIQ+ people, and it supports the European sanctions introduced in response to the large-scale violence against women in Iran.
    - - While the Netherlands announced the introduction of a FFP in 2022 and held a major conference in early November 2023, the proof is in the pudding. After Geert Wilders’ far-right Freedom Party won the November 2023 elections, we will have to intensify our efforts to make sure that the announced FFP indeed moves ahead.
    - - The 2024 massive cuts to development spending in the Netherlands – one of the historically largest supporters of LGBTQI+ organisations – is another concerning example.
  - - - Germanys FFP guidelines that make a case for a “transformative and intersectional approach” to addressing and countering “entrenched power structures.”
      - The following example of Germany’s entanglements in climate related harm exempli
        
        The observed willingness to “pick and choose” Black feminist concepts such as “intersectionality” while neglecting to acknowledge Europe’s own complacency in global power structures oppressing the most vulnerable communities cannot withstand an intersectional FFP.
  - - - (Aggestam, Bergman Rosamond, & Kronsell, 2019)
        
        p. 24Under the leadership of former British Foreign Secretary William Hague, the United Kingdom promoted a normative shift towards the eradication of sexual violence in conflict.
    - - (Aggestam, Bergman Rosamond, & Kronsell, 2019)
        
        p. 24 Norway has a long track record of actively supporting gender mainstreaming in areas of peacekeeping, peacebuilding and development assistance
    - - Wright 2024
        
        p. 206 , Ukrainian feminists have been clear on their need for the West to provide arms so they can protect themselves following the full‑scale Russian invasion
    - - UN women 2022
        
        p. 1 Spain appointed a Special Envoy on its feminist foreign policy and will present annual reports to its parliament.
        
        p. 2 Has the highest percentage of official development assistance devoted to programs advancing gender equality as a principal objective (24 percent).
- - - - there is a clear link between the arms trade and gender-based violence.
      - Yet many states with FFPs continue to spend heavily on their militaries. Of the top fifteen military spenders in 2022, three of them (Germany,
        France, and Canada)
    - - p. 6 Toni Haastrup has argued that a commitment to militarization “limits the possibili- ties of an emancipatory FFP.”
      - p. 7 advocates (p.6) called for a shift in focus toward conflict prevention and “human security” to be a core principle of FFPs.
    - - p. 7 have been supplying high levels of financial and military aid to Ukraine. Some have argued that this counteracts feminist principles of anti-militarism.
        
        1) A response based on the principles of FFP should prioritize humanitarian rather than military assistance, as well as the representation of women in the negotiation process, the upholding of international treaties on women and children, and the humane treatment of refugees.
        
        2) others ... have justified military support to Ukraine under FFPs, arguing that self-defense is a feminist act.
        
        3) These competing perspectives underscore that there is no “right” way to implement an FFP.
    - - Germany’s FFP guidelines emphasize pragmatism, noting that “FFP is not synonymous with pacifism.
    - - p. 1 Toward this end, FFP-interested states should meaningfully engage with ongoing debates around what FFPs should be, particularly in five areas:
        
        p.1
        
        • Militarization, demilitarization, and the root causes of violence;
        
        • Global perspectives and postcolonial critiques;
        
        • The branding and substance of FFPs;
        
        • The domestication of FFPs; and
        
        • Accountability and sustainability.
    - - p. 1 Toward this end, FFP-interested states should meaningfully engage with ongoing debates around what FFPs should be, particularly in five areas:
        
        p.1
        
        • Militarization, demilitarization, and the root causes of violence;
        
        • Global perspectives and postcolonial critiques;
        
        • The branding and substance of FFPs;
        
        • The domestication of FFPs; and
        
        • Accountability and sustainability.
  - - - p. 29 The public sphere of state institutions has largely been associated with men and masculinity, and, this in turn, defines the interna- tional as the space in which women have no room, and, where femininity is excluded.
      - p. 29 As noted above, feminist scholars are highly sceptical of the transformative potential of state-generated feminism, in particular, the constraints that the institutionalised patriar- chal order places on the state’s ability to support and sustain feminist values and prac- tices within and beyond borders.
- - - - FFP Collaborative Evaluation
        
        evaluates existing country frameworks and new commitments of sixteen governments
      - Feminist Foreign Policy Index
        
        Launched by: International Center for Research on Women (2023)
        Purpose: Evaluates forty-eight countries against a transformative vision of FFP
      - FFP+ Group and UN Political Declaration
        
        UN member states are developing a shared vision for Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP)
        Composed of countries with an FFP or those interested in feminist engagement in multilateral spaces
        Outlines six political commitments
  - - - DAC Donor Countries' Spending Related to Gender Equality
        Source
        
        below all retrieved May 22
    - - Gender policy marker: Projects which "advance gender equality and women's empowerment or reduce discrimination and inequalities based on sex" are tagged in the OECD's Creditor Reporting System (CRS) database.
        Source lower on the page
      - Source
- - - - p. 206 Despite the centrality of the WPS to feminist foreign policy, the role of civil society as agents (as opposed to recipients) of feminist foreign policy is often neglected, even though they were central actors in supporting the adoption of UNSCR 1325
- - - - p. 29 The public sphere of state institutions has largely been associated with men and masculinity, and, this in turn, defines the interna- tional as the space in which women have no room, and, where femininity is excluded.
      - p. 29 As noted above, feminist scholars are highly sceptical of the transformative potential of state-generated feminism, in particular, the constraints that the institutionalised patriar- chal order places on the state’s ability to support and sustain feminist values and prac- tices within and beyond borders.