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Lit review - Coggle Diagram

- - - - p. 206 The EU has been selective in where it engages WPS in strategic partnerships, for example, in the EU’s relationship with the AU (which is itself a strong advocate of WPS), WPS is rhet- orically projected as an area of mutual interest; yet, in its strategic partnership with third states, such as South Africa, gender is barely visible (Haastrup, 2017, p. 208).
      - . 206 This shows the selective use of WPS to support pre-existing institutional imperatives, and the failure to prioritise ethics and good international conduct as the bedrock of feminist foreign policy echoing developments at a state level (Aggestam et al., 2019, p. 4).
  - - - p. 600 It was criticized for being neo-liberal in its ambition; not transformative enough; and insufficiently attentive to the gendered injustices that occur within its national borders. ... also a highly sophisticated exercise in nation-branding, employing digital storytelling and other communication and cultural cooperation strategies to enhance Sweden’s reputation in global politics.
  - - - This has led to accusations that some states are co-opting the feminist label by appropriating, diluting, and reinterpreting feminist ideas for different political purposes than originally intended.
    - - For instance, many argue that it is unlikely any state would implement transformative feminist policies aimed at disrupting unequal power structures, as doing so would challenge the patriarchal and militaristic systems that states themselves uphold.
    - - p. 5 add women and stirr
        
        FFP risks merely adding “elite women” to foreign policy and stirring.
      - The WPS agenda is that the Global North is the agenda’s conceptual “home,” leading to the perception that the Global South is an “implementation laboratory” rather than a knowledge- and norm-producer in its own right.
      - p. 5 Similar critiques have been made of FFPs, though FFPs originate in individual states with their own interpretations of the concept, presenting an opportunity to share knowledge and best practices across contexts.
      - Despite their differences, the WPS agenda and FFP could complement each other, with the development of FFPs helping to reclaim the potential of WPS to focus on structural transformation. Because they have a larger scope than the WPS agenda, FFPs can also apply feminist approaches to … multilateral issues... . Additionally, the recent launch of several FFPs in Latin America demonstrates how these policies could help make the WPS agenda …
  - - - Critics point out that many state policies are becoming increasingly aggressive or nationalistic rather than cooperative or egalitarian.
      - The global stage is seen as being dominated by male leaders, ... which could make implementing a feminist approach more difficult.
    - - Some critics argue that Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP) is too idealistic or unrealistic to be applied effectively in today’s world politics.
      - There is scepticism about whether FFP can operate within the traditional framework of realpolitik (a foreign policy based on practical and strategic interests rather than ideals)
    - - The biggest difficulty lies in putting the ideas behind FFP into actual policy and practice—translating principles into real-world action.
  - - - Policy objectives – Do the policies shift what the EU aims to achieve, beyond simply including women, toward challenging and transforming gendered power structures?
  - - - Gaps between aspiration and implementation, however, can potentially undermine FFP. These include a lack of diverse geographical perspectives in FFP discourse; weak coherence across all areas of foreign policy – particularly when national interests conflict with FFP principles – and between domestic and international levels; and a lack of clarity translating envisioned principles into actionable policies and commitments for transformational change at the structural level. FFP is also vulnerable to global pushback against gender equality and the rights of all women and girls and to political and ideological shifts in newly elected governments, particularly when FFP has a strong association with a specific political party or leader. Certainly, these challenges point to the need for a new framework of reference to address gaps and strengthen the institutionalization of gender-responsive approaches to foreign policy through national legislation and commitments.
- - - - Chat: This suggests a momentum within the EU towards integrating feminist principles into its foreign policy framework.
    - - Gender equality is... part of the EU’s legal and political framework and the EU has a comprehensive track record as a gender equality promoter in its foreign policy (Beier & Çağlar, 2020, p. 426).
      - Focusing on the EU as a gender actor, the EU employs its normative power to teach others on gender issues.
      - EU FFP prioritizes the protection of rights of women, LGBTI+ people and other marginalized groups.
        
        EU openly criticizes Turkey for leaving the Istanbul Convention.
        
        women’s representation as well as the active participation in decision making processes is ensured across all policy areas and across all hierarchical levels. -> how?
        
        in its own institutions such as the EEAS
  - - - :check:p. 11 In a dedicated resolution on gender equality in the EU's foreign and security policy, adopted in 2020, Parliament urged the EU and its Member States to advance towards a 'foreign and security policy that mainstreams a gender-transformative vision', and encouraged all Member States to adopt a feminist foreign and security policy.
    - - In November 2020, two MEPs from the Greens/EFA political group, Hannah Neumann and Ernest Urtasun, put forward a report calling for the EU to adopt a Feminist Foreign Policy. A majority voted in favour of it. However, since the Parliament does not have the authority to legislate on this matter, and the report was non-binding, the debate has stalled.
        
        While the timing was right for the EU to adopt a Feminist Foreign Policy in 2020, that window of opportunity was shut when Russia invaded Ukraine.
      - ocusing on improving gender equality in its Member States will certainly lead to increased unity on this issue and will enable the EU to take a common stance in its foreign action.
        
        It is quintessential to reduce the disparities amongst Member States if a “Union of Equality”, one of the priorities of Von der Leyen’s Commission, is to be achieved
        
        To achieve the European Commission’s goal of creating a “Union of Equality” (a more equal and fair European Union), it is essential to reduce the differences (or inequalities) between EU Member States—particularly in terms of gender equality.
        
        The phrase “Union of Equality” refers to a priority set by Ursula von der Leyen’s Commission, which aims to promote equality across the EU, including gender equality.
        
        . In addition, the EEAS can also play a decisive role in promoting gender equality through the EU’s foreign action.
        
        The European External Action Service (EEAS), which handles the EU’s diplomatic and foreign affairs, can be a key actor in advancing gender equality—not just within the EU, but also through its international relations and foreign policy efforts.
      - Its Action Plan on Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment in External Action 2021–2025 (GAP III), adopted in 2020, is an ambitious proposal to advance gender issues.
        
        Not only does it promote women’s leadership and participation, it also pushes for gender mainstreaming and an intersectional approach that takes into account all dimensions of discrimination
        
        If the EU ensures these strategies are fully implemented, we will be one step closer to adopting a Feminist Foreign Policy.
    - - Still, the EU has established several strategies for gender equality in recent years, such as the Gender Action Plan III (GAP III). This is the last one implemented for the period 2021-2025[3], following GAP I and II. It aims to ensure equality between women and men and the empowerment of women in external relations[4]. Hence, can the EU Gender Action Plan III be considered as a first concrete step towards a European feminist foreign policy?
  - - - Rapporteur Ernest Urtasun (Greens/EFA, ES) said: ... the EU still does not have one.
- - - - p. 202 Despite increased visibility and feminist interventions, women remain significantly under- represented.
        
        examples on page
      - p. 202 These two events can be seen as catalysts for a greater inclusion of women in the field of foreign policy and diplomacy, and wider attention to questions of gender equality between women and men, girls, and boys.
  - - - EU - less relevant
        
        :flag-gb: UK
        
        (Aggestam, Bergman Rosamond, & Kronsell, 2019)
        
        p. 24Under the leadership of former British Foreign Secretary William Hague, the United Kingdom promoted a normative shift towards the eradication of sexual violence in conflict.
        
        :flag-es: Spain
        
        UN women 2022
        
        p. 1 Spain appointed a Special Envoy on its feminist foreign policy and will present annual reports to its parliament.
        
        p. 2 Has the highest percentage of official development assistance devoted to programs advancing gender equality as a principal objective (24 percent).
  - - - Intersectionality ... finding its way into FFP discourse. ... the Netherlands’ acknowledgement that “the situation is often even worse for minorities such as LGBTIQ+ people. Other factors, including ethnicity, religion and physical or other disabilities often determine the extent to which people experience additional unequal treatment.”
    - - (Ministerie van Algemene Zaken, 2022)
        
        Ministry of Foreign Affairs has put its feminist foreign policy into action in various ways,
        The Netherlands also spoke out against homophobia and discrimination in Slovakia after the murder of two LHBTIQ+ people, and it supports the European sanctions introduced in response to the large-scale violence against women in Iran.
        
        What is the Netherlands doing? The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has been devoting a great deal of attention to ensuring meaningful participation by women, and to the effects that policy has on women, in grant awards, diplomacy and during negotiations at the EU and other international institutions, for example. The Netherlands also promotes women’s rights, gender equality, sexual rights and reproductive health, providing funding for activities and programmes, for instance.
    - - Hivos, Walking the Talk (n.d.)
        
        While the Netherlands announced the introduction of a FFP in 2022 and held a major conference in early November 2023, the proof is in the pudding. After Geert Wilders’ far-right Freedom Party won the November 2023 elections, we will have to intensify our efforts to make sure that the announced FFP indeed moves ahead.
      - Michalko et al 2024
        
        The 2024 massive cuts to development spending in the Netherlands – one of the historically largest supporters of LGBTQI+ organisations – is another concerning example.
  - - - Germanys FFP guidelines that make a case for a “transformative and intersectional approach” to addressing and countering “entrenched power structures.”
      - The following example of Germany’s entanglements in climate related harm exempli
        
        The observed willingness to “pick and choose” Black feminist concepts such as “intersectionality” while neglecting to acknowledge Europe’s own complacency in global power structures oppressing the most vulnerable communities cannot withstand an intersectional FFP.
  - - - breaking down male-dominated systems and opening the door for women around the world will fundamentally shift the structure and help women to rewrite these systems in ways that serve both women and men.
  - - - including through suppression techniques such as ridiculing and making
        invisible.
      - This resistance has been less than expected and has eased in line with the continuous growth in interest and support.
        
        :!:The Swedish Foreign Service’s active work to win support for the policy within the fourth R, i.e. the reality in which it is operated.
    - - Investments in gender equality increase the frequency of gainful employment and strengthen the human capital of the whole of society.
  - - - p. 103 The global economy would grow by 26 per cent if women and men were equal in working life.
        link
      - p. 103 Research shows that the proportion of household income spent on children’s development increases significantly when women have greater control over the resources of the household.
        worst source ever
      - p. 104 If women were able to farm on the same terms as men, 100 million people would avoid going hungry.
        new source
      - p. 104 Research shows that gender-equal societies are more peaceful,
        
        and a growing number of studies indicate that peace processes and peace agreements that include both women and men are more sustainable.
        
        Sources
        main
        one
        two
    - - p. 104 Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence (the Istanbul Convention), the first legally binding document on violence against women in Europe.
        
        The convention condemns all forms of violence and describes violence against women as an expression of historically unequal power relationships between women and men. It also establishes that violence against women is gender-based at a structural level.
        
        Sweden also works to ensure that other countries ratify the convention and live up to its obligations.
    - - Checklist for pursuing a
        contentious issue
    - - Sweden is a leading defender of SRHR, at global, national and local levels.
    - - include external and mobilising campaigns (cf. SheDecides in chapter 4)
      - and dialogue and sharing experience with like-minded parties, including civil society.
- - - - :check:p. 420 Sweden’s FFP illustrates its role as a norm entrepreneur,or norm protagonist
        
        :check:p. 420 By promoting a FFP, Sweden is trying to spread its feminist values to other countries, both by acting as a role model and by actively promoting various aspects of the FFP in multilateral and bilateral relations.
    - - :check:p. 485 When former Swedish Foreign Secretary Margot Wallström introduced the idea of Femin- ist Foreign Policy (FFP) in 2014, she opened a space for discussion and debate about the role of states in advancing feminist ideals in their foreign policies.
      - :check:p. 458 At the time, Wallström’s announcement was unique introducing the use of a “feminist frame” to position Sweden as a norm entrepreneur in this ﬁeld.
    - - :eight_spoked_asterisk: p. 23 In 2014, the Swedish red–green coalition government adopted a feminist foreign policy, which signalled a substantial change in its external conduct. Its pronounced ambition was to become the ‘strongest global voice for gender equality and full employment of human rights by all women and girls’
    - - p. 206 Sweden’s much‑publicised adoption of a FFP in 2014
        
        :eight_spoked_asterisk:p. 212 Sweden’s adoption of a FFP in 2014 marked a significant shift in how Sweden approached foreign policy, seeking to become a strong global voice and advocate for gender equality and women’s rights,
        
        p. 212 he trend towards FFP globally continues, despite the new govern‑ ment in Sweden capturing headlines through dropping its commitment to FFP
    - - :check:p. 1 In 2014, Sweden adopted the world’s first feminist foreign policy.
        Since then, more than a dozen countries and political parties have followed suit or have announced their intention of developing a feminist foreign policy.
      - :check:p. 2 The original formulation of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy asks three foundational questions about rights, representation, resources
      - p. 2
        
        Developed a feminist trade policy.
        
        Advocated for the integration of gender equality in trade agreement negotiations in recent years.
        
        Developed certification for private security companies on their conduct in conflict areas.
        
        Established new funds to channel resources to women’s organizations.
    - - :eight_spoked_asterisk:p. 3 Throughout our foreign policy, including in peace and security efforts, we will apply a systematic gender perspective. In so doing, we can contribute to real progress. And in so doing, we will become the strongest global voice for gender equality and the full enjoyment of human rights by all women and girls.
      - :check:p. 3 We are going about this by being a leading advocate for gender equality and human rights.
      - p. 3 This will be done by implementing systematic gender mainstreaming, based on knowledge and
        analysis, throughout the foreign policy agenda, not least in peace and security efforts.
  - - - :check: p. 38 Sweden’s adoption of a feminist foreign policy is an attempt to push the gender-security nexus to the very center of global politics
      - :check:p. 38 Sweden ... to reframe their foreign policies by putting gender equal- ity at the center of international peace and security.
    - - :check:It underlines three pillars that have informed Swedish foreign policy: rights, representation, and resources.
      - It makes the following three con- clusions.
        
        :check: p. 37 First, Sweden’s feminist foreign policy is distinguished by its working method pertaining to norm change whereby gendered practices and structures in global politics are challenged.
        
        p. 45 It places emphasis on consistent leadership, inclusive ownership, guidance (regarding responsibility, integration, and gender equality analysis), support, and training.
        
        Second, from the outset Sweden’s feminist foreign policy has pursued a head-wind agenda, which reflects a readiness to confront contestation in global politics.
        
        Sweden’s feminist foreign policy deliberately confronts resistance, particularly in areas like sexual and reproductive rights, prioritising support for women’s rights defenders despite opposition.
        
        :red_cross: Third, as a way of tackling resistance and promoting pro-norm equality diffusion a fourth “R” has been advanced, which stands for reality checks and research.
      - :check: The article assesses how these three pillars have been transformed into distinct policy and practice.
  - - - p. 1265 In Foreign Policy, Rachel George suggests that the new Swedish government’s ‘hands may be tied when it comes to reversing many of its feminist policies in practice.
        
        p. 1265 In order not to risk a backlash from voters, she contends, the government might at most cut funding for gender equality in ways that are proportionate to other reductions.
      - p. 1265 To stay in power, the new liberal-right government depends on support from the largest right-wing party in Sweden, the far-right populist Sweden Democrats (SD). And the SD is vocal in its opposition to the FFP and many other gender equality policies.
        
        p. 1265 + with the Russian war of aggression in Ukraine and Sweden’s accession to NATO in early 2024, many principles ...that seemed stable ... [are] ... quick to change.
        
        pp. 1265 - 1266 thus reasons to believe that the government will attempt to scale back Swedish international support for gender equality...
      - p. 1263 The same day the newly elected liberal-right coalition government took office, its new Foreign Minister Tobias Billström announced that the Swedish FFP would end. He explained that:
        The use of the label feminist foreign policy has obscured the contents of our policy. This is why the government will discard its use. But we will always support gender equality.1
- - - - p. 204 We also see regional organisations such as the African Union (AU), European Union (EU), and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) integrating gender and WPS concerns into their diplomatic practices, even if they have not yet gone as far as to brand their policy practice “feminist”.
      - p. 204 Despite their feminist claims, these countries often fail to consider the power dynamics inherent within the international system of global politics and particularly the legacies of co- lonialism and persistence of coloniality in the implementation of so-called feminist foreign policies and the implications these have for a feminist peace.