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Emotional and Cognitive Socialization Outcomes - Coggle Diagram

- - - - Tamra placed more value on what her friends thought than what her parents thought. Her parents, on the other hand, placed more value on obeying the law and following the community policy in regard to minors drinking alcohol than on Tamra's saving face with her friends.
      - In the pop culture, as portrayed by the media, much value is placed on drinking alcohol as a means of having fun, whereas in certain religious and cultural groups, drinking alcohol is considered sinful. Thus, some people might experience conflict in social situations.
      - As soon as children can understand language, they have access to their parents’, as well as their culture's, values. As children develop cognitively and can interpret the meaning of their social interactions and real experiences, they begin to construct their own values, which will change and be redefined as they get older.
    - - One technique is known as values clarification—the process of discovering what is personally worthwhile or desirable in life. This process can help individuals understand their own moral codes, their attitudes and motives, their prosocial or antisocial behavior, their gender roles, and themselves. For example, in teaching about the founding of the United States, a factual discussion might explore dates and events; a conceptual discussion might discuss emigration and freedom of religion; whereas a values discussion might address questions like these: What is so important to you that if it were taken away, you would leave your country? If you left, what would you take with you? A values clarification exercise can be found in the chapter activity.
      - Values clarification involves making decisions—choosing among alternatives. Sometimes the process is difficult because values may conflict. For example, Bill and Joy had to choose between their values of respect for the law and family harmony; Tamra had to weigh her value of preserving friendship as opposed to that of respecting the law.
      - Attitudes
        
        Values are really the basis for attitudes. An attitude, as introduced in Chapter 2, is a tendency to respond positively (favorably) or negatively (unfavorably) to certain persons, objects, or situations. Attitudes are composed of beliefs, feelings, and behavior tendencies. Most psychologists agree that attitudes determine what we attend to in our environment, how we perceive the information about the object of our attention, and how we respond to that object. Thus, attitudes guide behavior. The In Context box exemplifies the diversity of attitudes regarding sports team mascots.
        
        Prejudice is an attitude. The word means “prejudgment.” It generally refers to the application of a previously formed judgment to some person, object, or situation. It can be favorable or unfavorable. Usually, prejudice comes from categorizing or stereotyping. The Seminole Tribal Council believes the NCAA is being prejudiced in deciding which mascots are inappropriate.
        
        A stereotype, as introduced in Chapter 9, is an oversimplified, fixed attitude or set of beliefs that is held about members of a group. Stereotypical attitudes usually do not allow for individual exceptions. The reason for the NCAA ban is to minimize stereotyping of ethnic groups.
- - - - Ryan and Deci (2000) distinguish between achievement motivation that is intrinsic (doing an activity for inherent satisfaction or enjoyment) and extrinsic (doing an activity to attain some separable outcome, to get a reward or avoid punishment). As people act to pursue different goals, why are some driven primarily intrinsically and others extrinsi-cally? Explanations can be divided into two categories:
      - ♦ Within-person (intrinsic) changes result from cognitive or emotional maturation, such as becoming more curious as one is able to learn more and becoming more competent as one is able to master more.
      - ♦ Socially mediated (extrinsic) changes result from contexts children experience as they grow, such as family, school, or peer group, and the accompanying feelings of autonomy or control (Wigfield, Eccles, Schiefele, Rosser, & Davis-Kean, 2006).
- - - - One's expectation of success is related to
      - ♦ one's history of success or failure
      - ♦ one's perception of how difficult the task is
      - ♦ the attributions for one's performance.
  - - - Martin Seligman presented evidence in his books Helplessness (1975), Learned Optimism (1990), and Flourish (2012) that people become passive and lose motivation when placed in situations where outcomes are unaffected by their behavior. These people believe they are pawns of external circumstances; as a result, they have learned helplessness. A learned-helpless orientation is the perception, acquired through negative experiences, that effort has no affect on outcomes.
      - learned-helpless orientation the perception, acquired through negative experiences, that effort has no affect on outcomes
      - Helplessness has been observed to appear in infancy. Research on infants shows that infants exposed to mobiles that spin independent of their actions do not learn to control new mobiles presented to them that can be activated by turning their heads. In contrast, infants exposed to stationary mobiles and to mobiles that spin contingent upon their actions (head or arm moving) evidence no difficulty in learning to control the new mobiles.
      - As children get older and the number of their experiences with objects and people increases, their perceptions of being able to control outcomes and their ability to understand cause and effect influence when, and if, they manifest a learned-helpless orientation as opposed to a mastery orientation (Fincham, 2008; Wigfield et al., 2006). Figure 11.3, earlier in this chapter, summarizes the factors involved in attributions for performance and their relation to actual performance.
      - In a series of classic studies on learned-helpless orientation, Dweck and colleagues found that when children believe their failures are due to uncontrollable factors in themselves, such as lack of ability (“I failed the math test because I'm dumb in math”), their subsequent task performance deteriorates after failure (Dweck, 1975; Dweck & Bush, 1976; Dweck & Gillard, 1975; Dweck & Reppucci, 1973; Elliot & Dweck, 1988).
      - Apparently, girls and boys get different messages in school about ability and effort (Sadker et al., 2012). In several classic studies, Dweck and colleagues (Dweck & Bush, 1976; Dweck & Gillard, 1975) found that girls are more likely than boys to demonstrate learned helplessness that comes from attributing lack of ability to themselves. Boys more often tend to believe that when they do not do well, it is because they have not worked hard enough. Since the boys and girls scored similarly on achievement tests, it can be inferred that ability was similar, but that the attributions for failure were different.
      - In sum, if parents and teachers praise children for their effort when they succeed but question their ability when they fail, the children are less likely to persist at challenging tasks, thereby developing a learned-helpless orientation. If parents and teachers praise children's abilities when they succeed and emphasize lack of effort when they fail, the children are more likely to persist at challenging tasks, thereby developing achievement orientation. Thus, if adults treat children as if their mistakes can be remedied by their own actions, the children are likely to reflect this opinion of themselves and behave accordingly.
      - In sum, the cultural value that effort leads to achievement explains lower incidences of learned helplessness; whereas the cultural value of fixed intelligence leads to increased incidences of learned helplessness. Both values exist in the U.S., so depending upon which one is stronger in a family can explain the development of a learned-helpless orientation in the child.
- - - - Coopersmith found some clear relationships between the parenting practices and self-esteem of sons. Parents of boys with high self-esteem were more often characterized as follows.
      - ♦ Warm (accepting and affectionate). They frequently showed affection to their children, took an interest in their affairs, and became acquainted with their friends.
      - ♦ Strict, but used nonco-ercive discipline. They enforced rules carefully and consistently. They believed it was important for children to meet high standards. They were firm and decisive in telling the child what he might or might not do. They disciplined their children by withdrawing privileges and by isolation. They tended to discuss the reasons behind the discipline with the children.
      - ♦ Democratic. They allowed the children to participate in making family plans. The children were permitted to express their own opinions, even if it involved questioning the parents' point of view.