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IS SOVEREIGNTY ON THE WANE TODAY? - Coggle Diagram

- - - - the economic, political and military factors that contributed to the US hegemony are the same factors that will inexorably produce the coming US decline
      - the united states' success as a hegemonic power in the postwar period created the conditions of the nation's hegemonic demise. [indicated in four symbols] the war in vietnam, the revolutions of 1968, the fall of the berlin wall in 1989 and the terrorist attacks of september 2001.
      - vietnam became such a powerful symbol because washington was foolish enough to invest its full military might in the struggle but the united states still lost
      - the [vietnamese] was was very expensive and more or less used up the US gold reserves that had been so plentiful since 1945
      - Conservatives would again become conservatives, and radicals, radicals. The centrist liberals did not disappear, but they were cut down to size. And in the process, the official U.S. ideological position — antifascist, anticommunist, anticolonialist — seemed thin and unconvincing to a growing portion of the world’s populations.
      - the attacks of september 11 2001 posed a major challenge to US power the persons responsible did not represent a major military power, they were members of a non-state force
      - The Japanese machine is built to analyze climatic change, but U.S. machines are designed to simulate weapons. This contrast embodies the oldest story in the history of hegemonic powers. The dominant power concentrates (to its detriment) on the military; the candidate for successor concentrates on the economy. The latter has always paid off, handsomely.
      - The real question is not whether U.S. hegemony is waning but whether the United States can devise a way to descend gracefully, with minimum damage to the world, and to itself.
  - - - it makes more sense to consider the two [world wars] as a single, continuous "30 years' war" between the US and Germany
      - the only major industrial power in the world to emerge intact and even greatly strengthened from an economic perspective was the united states which moved swiftly to consolidate its position
      - until 1991 the US and the Soviet Union coexisted in the balance of terror of the cold war. this status quo was tested seriously only three times: the berlin blockade of 1948-49, the korean war in 1950-53 and the cuban missile crisis of 1962. each case was the restoration of the status quo
      - economic reconstruction helped create clientelistic obligations on the part of the nations receiving US aid, this sense of obligation fostered willingness to enter into military alliances and even more important into political surveillance
      - But the 1968ers did not merely condemn U.S. hegemony. They condemned Soviet collusion with the United States, they condemned Yalta, and they used or adapted the language of the Chinese cultural revolutionaries who divided the world into two camps — the two superpowers and the rest of the world
      - the hawks believe the united states should act as an imperial power for two reasons; first, the united states can get away with it and second if washington doesn't exert its force the united states will become increasingly marginalised.
- - - - in kosovo a group of states intervened without seeking authority from the UNSC
      - as in rwanda five years ago the international community stands accused of doing too little too late
      - is it legitimate for a regional organisation to use force without a UN mandate
      - our commitment to peace cannot end as soon as there is a ceasefire. the aftermath of war requires no less skill, no less sacrifice, no fewer resources than the war itself, if lasting peace is to be secured
  - - - state sovereignty in its most basic sense is redefined not least by the forces of globalisation and international cooperation. states are now widely understood to be instruments at the service of their peoples and not vice versa
      - individual sovereignty by which i mean the fundamental freedom of each individual enshrined in the charter of the UN and subsequent international treaties has been enhanced by a renewed and spreading consciousness of individual rights, when we read the charter today we are more than ever conscious that its aim is to protect individual human beings not to protect those who abuse them
      - traditional notions of sovereignty alone are not the only obstacle to effective action in humanitarian crises
      - despite all the difficulties of putting [interventionism] into place it does show that humankind today is less willing than in the past to tolerate suffering in its midst and more willing to do something about it
- - - - NATO's eastward expansion and ukraine's bid to join NATO as a member, a position that russia has ardently opposed. the US and NATO reject this position arguing that they support Ukraine's sovereignty and its right to choose to be part of security alliances
      - since the collapse of the erstwhile soviet union in 1991 ukraine has been a sovereign independent country, by virtue of this Kiev is entitled to decide its own future including which treaties and organisations it chooses to be a member of
      - russia's posturing on the issue appears to be antithetical to Ukraine's position as a sovereign, independent nation
      - putin has time and again reiterated that he needs reliable legally fixed guarantees against the expansion of NATO to include ukraine and the positioning of offensive weapons there
  - - - sovereignty territorial integrity and non interference in internal affairs of countries have been the foundational principles of the westphalian system [in theory]
      - western nations have espoused the concept of a contingent sovereignty , where certain transgressions such as human rights violations and state sponsored terrorism negates a state's authority
      - the R2P came under increasing criticism after the NATO's 2011 Libyan intervention which caused a regime change in tripoli with devastating consequences [] russia as well as other countries like china and india became increasingly crticial of the R2P concept and aligned themselves with a stricter interpretation of sovereignty
      - moscow has largely adopted a statist approach to understanding these principleswhere state sovereignty forms the bedrock of the international order
  - - - there appears to be a regional diffusion of international legal order that is a revisionist concept of international law which seeks to validate russia's sphere of influence accompanied with the right to intervene within it.
      - russia's justifications for its actions in crimea have related to self-determination, humanitarian emergency and self-defence actions that have been undertaken to protect the russian speaking population in ukraine [] these justifications do not betray a revisionist international agenda; they are perhaps simply lawtalk or an unrestrained merging of law and strategy for realpolitik motivations
- - - - the fourth industrial revolution has created complexity in the international power model of state sovereignty
      - in this de facto shared digital sovereignty space nation states must revisit what statecraft particularly on states-craft should look like in what is expected to be a decade of the most accelerated growth in human history
      - for the fourth industrial revolution to create opportunity and equity for all governments must proactively co-create that future with big tech
      - statecraft is defined as the skill of governing a country and the art of conducting state affairs
      - State affairs include thorny questions about DNA editing, digital human clones, algorithmic bias, robotic liability, machine derived income tax, privacy and informed digital consent, and these dilemmas are evolving at a rapid rate.
  - - - our modern understanding of state sovereignty can be tracked back to the charter of the UN from 1945 which states: "nothing [] shall authorise the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state" [] both these ideas have been challenged in ways that the UN and countries have not adequately addressed using their sovereign authority
      - In her special address to the World Economic Forum (WEF) Davos Agenda Week, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said that “public funding alone will not be enough”[v] to counter the climate challenges that the world is facing, and that sustainable corporate governance is needed.
      - many large technology companies have seen tremendous growth in revenue, valuations and demand for their services and products. Public funding alone will not be enough to posture the infrastructure against climate risk, nor will it be enough to build all the smart infrastructure needed for societies to reap the benefits of the advancements of technologies.
    - - not affording sovereignty v crisis
  - - - the non-state portion of digital sovereignty where technology companies arbitrate the rules requires a reimagined and more nuanced revision of the universal declaration of human rights
      - the traditional legislation format complex bureaucratic processes and lengthy deliberations is not suitable for the pace which technologies rapidly reach critical mass and transform industries
      - when the worlds biggest search engine can refuse to pay journalists who are being defended by their sovereign political representatives the pre 21st c concepts of sovereign borders and authorities are unequivocally challanged
      - provide legal and legislative frameworks to protect against technological violations of human rights
      - Google CEO Sundar Pichai said: “There are boundaries that as a society we need to agree on.… it is important for governments to debate this and give clear guidance. The answers are going to vary. There is no one size fits all. But I think we need clear rules of the road.
      - As more infrastructure becomes smart, successful cyberattacks have the potential to be fatal (for instance, water infrastructure attacks), cause an economic collapse (for example, an attack on the SWIFT system and big banks), or starve the population (such as an attack on precision smart farming infrastructure).
      - WEF, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi [] He said, “The Corona crisis has reminded us again about humanity as a value. We have to remember that Industry 4.0 is not about robots but about human beings. We have to ensure that technology becomes a tool for ease of living and not some kind of trap.
- - - - he applies the argument only to the formation of individual states not to the creation of an international sovereign [] he does not offer the same analysis [of the state of war] of conditions for relations between states Stanlick, N., 2006. A Hobbesian View of International Sovereignty. Journal of Social Philosophy, 37(4), pp.552
      - Hobbes's only use for the description of the relation between states is to clarify the argument for national sovereignty Stanlick, N., 2006. A Hobbesian View of International Sovereignty. Journal of Social Philosophy, 37(4), pp.552
      - in this article i attempt to explain why hobbes did not could not and rightfully should not have argued for international sovereignty by providing three hobbesian arguments against the institution of an international commonwealth
      - if hobbes had argued for international sovereignty the argument would have failed on three major grounds. by a semantic argument regarding the nature of hobbesian sovereignty an international sovereign would be impossible. by an argument concerning the security of property and possessions in a natural condition individual human beings and national sovereigns are shown to the international realm finally by an argument concerning the person and preservation of the sovereign international sovereignty would violate hobbesian principles underlying the justification for sovereignty Stanlick, N., 2006. A Hobbesian View of International Sovereignty. Journal of Social Philosophy, 37(4), pp.562
  - - - the term international sovereignty requires that there be separate states yet the term necessitates that there be no separate nations or states under world government or international sovereignty by virtue of Hobbes's conception of the nature of sovereignty Stanlick, N., 2006. A Hobbesian View of International Sovereignty. Journal of Social Philosophy, 37(4), pp.554
      - international law is an absurdity since by definition there can be no law where there is no sovereign and again by definition international law must be between separate nations which have no common sovereign Stanlick, N., 2006. A Hobbesian View of International Sovereignty. Journal of Social Philosophy, 37(4), pp.554
      - if he argues that nations stand to each other in a state of nature as do individuals and that individuals in a state of nature are in a wholly undesirable condition then he should agree that nations in a state of nature are in the same undesirable condition Stanlick, N., 2006. A Hobbesian View of International Sovereignty. Journal of Social Philosophy, 37(4), pp.554
  - - - hobbes's discussion of the concepts of natural and artificial persons to show that establishment of international sovereignty would be a violation of the hobbesian fundamental law of nature requiring self preservation Stanlick, N., 2006. A Hobbesian View of International Sovereignty. Journal of Social Philosophy, 37(4), pp.554
      - to give up sovereignty to an international governing body amounts to creating conditions in which individual nations renounce the right to rule themselves and thus to renounce their right to exist as individual nations Stanlick, N., 2006. A Hobbesian View of International Sovereignty. Journal of Social Philosophy, 37(4), pp.559
      - by hobbes's own principles the sovereign is not subject to the laws it enacts thus if the sovereign makes into law a decree that there shall be an international sovereign above his own sovereignty he has no obligation to follow that law if he wishes to retain his own sovereignty if this is the cast creating the person of an international sovereign results in meaningless contradictory sovereign decree. Stanlick, N., 2006. A Hobbesian View of International Sovereignty. Journal of Social Philosophy, 37(4), pp.561
  - - - hobbesian characterisations of individual persons and sovereigns are not sufficiently similar to lead to acceptance or creation of international sovereignty on hobbesian grounds Stanlick, N., 2006. A Hobbesian View of International Sovereignty. Journal of Social Philosophy, 37(4), pp.554
      - compare hobbes's contentions regarding the quality length and stability of agreements made between and among individuals in the natural condition for protection of property and survival to the reliability of agreement and stability of life and property upon the institution of soverignty Stanlick, N., 2006. A Hobbesian View of International Sovereignty. Journal of Social Philosophy, 37(4), pp.555
- - - - within days of vladmir putins invasion of ukraine american companies from apple to exxonmobil suspended their businesses in russia or said they would abandon it
      - russian authorities blocked access to facebook on march 4th and said they would jail or fine those spreading fake news about the war, a day later visa and mastercard said they would suspend all operations in russia
      - companies that have announced they will leave now face the difficult task of actually doing so, exxonmobil has cautioned that it would be unsafe suddenly to abandon the oil project it operates in russia's far east
      - some western firms may worry that their exit could hurt ordinary russians the suspension of visa and mastercard payments has made it harder for those members of russia's middle class who want to flee mr putins regime to pay for tickets out of the country for example
  - - - american multinational firms find themselves astride a fracturing world, countries that once used commerce to ease relations with geostrategic competitors increasingly use tariffs and sanctions to undermine percieved adversaries
      - on signing the north american free trade agreement in 1993, bill clinton predicted an export boom for american business, china's entry to the world trade organisation in 2001 would, boosters said, help american inc tap china's huge market and make the communist party less mercantilist
      - the technology industry is particularly outward facing earning 58% of revenue overseas companies with higher exposure to foreign markets have outperformed the broader stockmarket over the past half decade
- - - - Harari's wry observation adds weight to steven pinkers assertion in the better angels of our nature that humans are on a trajectory towards peace and non-violence
      - does our DNA predispose and therefore doom us to war or is our otherwise natural inclination toward friendship and cooperation subverted by cultural structures at state and international level?
      - aggression is a feeling in an individual but it is a choice in a state
      - peace preserving mechanisms he argues are those that bind us in mutually beneficial structures
      - capitalism rather than democracy emerges from his analysis as the essential glue. grayling sees less national sovereignty and more supranational integration as our saviour
      - [christianity's] seven informal principles in moderating war gayling argues often contradict or nullify themselves in the modern age. international humanitarian law offers more formal accountability but falls short of deterring war because of its uneven application and percieved bias while the league of nations and united nations have thus far proved largely ineffectual as deterrents
- - - - sovereignty is a status, a norm, an aspiration and a fact at the same time Van Veen, E., 2007. The Valuable Tool of Sovereignty: Its use in Situations of Competition and Interdependence. Bruges Political Research Papers, p.3.
      - today sovereignty is mainly a tool to manage competition between states an Veen, E., 2007. The Valuable Tool of Sovereignty: Its use in Situations of Competition and Interdependence. Bruges Political Research Papers, p.8
      - sovereignty becomes a tool for securitisation, its invocation allows sidelining regular political procedure. the issue is taken out of the normal political discourse available for problem-solving and moved into a fast-tracked variant in which certain state actors have special powers and are less accountable Van Veen, E., 2007. The Valuable Tool of Sovereignty: Its use in Situations of Competition and Interdependence. Bruges Political Research Papers, p.14
      - sovereignty is a prerequisite for entering into any type of integration. in fact it is even plausible to suggest that strong sovereignty is necessary to participate in further reaching forms of integration for reasons of legitimacy. paradoxically using sovereignty as a tool to enter into such further-reaching integration projects potentially self-destructs the concept in its classic state-definition Van Veen, E., 2007. The Valuable Tool of Sovereignty: Its use in Situations of Competition and Interdependence. Bruges Political Research Papers, p.18
    - - war justification, restraining outbreak of war, violate human rights, protect them,
  - - - this article examines today's use of sovereignty as a tool of statescraft in situations of competition and interdependence Van Veen, E., 2007. The Valuable Tool of Sovereignty: Its use in Situations of Competition and Interdependence. Bruges Political Research Papers, p.3
      - states therefore actively use their sovereign status as a tool to neutralise the threat that situations of competition and interdependence pose to it. yet the use of sovereignty as a tool has different possibilities limitations and effects in either situation Van Veen, E., 2007. The Valuable Tool of Sovereignty: Its use in Situations of Competition and Interdependence. Bruges Political Research Papers, p.4.
      - sovereignty is not only a legal notion and certainly not a neutral one Van Veen, E., 2007. The Valuable Tool of Sovereignty: Its use in Situations of Competition and Interdependence. Bruges Political Research Papers, p.4
      - because the notions of sovereignty and of the state have been welded together so strongly sovereignty cannot be redefined quickly an Veen, E., 2007. The Valuable Tool of Sovereignty: Its use in Situations of Competition and Interdependence. Bruges Political Research Papers, p.19
      - states are by far the most dominant successful claimants of the status of sovereignty today an Veen, E., 2007. The Valuable Tool of Sovereignty: Its use in Situations of Competition and Interdependence. Bruges Political Research Papers, p.20
      - the use of sovereignty to reduce interdependence is neither a feasible nor a profitable strategy in a globalising world its use to conquer interdependence can never be complete unless a single world state is created an Veen, E., 2007. The Valuable Tool of Sovereignty: Its use in Situations of Competition and Interdependence. Bruges Political Research Papers, p.21
      - if integration goes far enough the classic state conception of sovereignty will ultimately be redefined now in 2007 most european states appear to be in this process. its omnidimensional nature is weakened and it is implictly recognised that some non-state actors can be sovereign entities of some sort Van Veen, E., 2007. The Valuable Tool of Sovereignty: Its use in Situations of Competition and Interdependence. Bruges Political Research Papers, p.21
  - - - the state reintroduced territorial exclusivity. territory controlled or owned by state A could not be simultaneously controlled by state B, as a consequence sovereignty became omni-dimensional [] candidates would have to be states and they would need to be recognised as such by existing states Van Veen, E., 2007. The Valuable Tool of Sovereignty: Its use in Situations of Competition and Interdependence. Bruges Political Research Papers, p.8
      - having omni-dimensional supreme authority within an exclusive territory Van Veen, E., 2007. The Valuable Tool of Sovereignty: Its use in Situations of Competition and Interdependence. Bruges Political Research Papers, p.8
      - not all sovereign entities are states take the vatican for example Van Veen, E., 2007. The Valuable Tool of Sovereignty: Its use in Situations of Competition and Interdependence. Bruges Political Research Papers, p.8
      - the regulatory effects of the concept of sovereignty [] defines who the relevant actors are to protect them, to guarantee their continuity, and to define their rights and responsibility Van Veen, E., 2007. The Valuable Tool of Sovereignty: Its use in Situations of Competition and Interdependence. Bruges Political Research Papers, p.9
      - because the thickening of interdependence occurs unevenly it is likely that more interdependent states will press stronger for a change in the understanding or even for a redefinition of sovereignty than less interdependent states an Veen, E., 2007. The Valuable Tool of Sovereignty: Its use in Situations of Competition and Interdependence. Bruges Political Research Papers, p.19
- - - - the basis of legitimate political authority in the United States and by extension globally is the consent of the governed [] liberal democratic nation superior to all other forms of political organisation [] building on philosophy of John Locke establishing a governing system in which the constitution recognises no superior legal or political authority [] antithesis of efforts to create a world empire
      - liberal legal scholars dramatically expand boundaries of customary international law well beyond established principles of state consent and practice
      - there is no coherent party of global governance[] no consistent unified front [] evidence of their commandeering US foreign policy preferences and international outcomes remains scant
      - it is ironic to see Fonte continuing to depict the EU as a likely blueprint for global governance [] the EU is currently experiencing a denationalisation of politics [] the world outside the EU remains a society of states where governments jealously guard their sovereignty
      - it is hard to take seriously Fonte's conclusion that recent trends in global governance pose an existential challenge to American democracy [] his alarmism overlooks the resilience of support for democratic sovereignty and traditional international governance
  - - - distinction between multilateral cooperation that is fundamentally international that is reflecting the negotiation of rules, norms, institutions among sovereign states vs that which is either transnational reflecting agreement among networks of judges jurists and lawyers and as such untethered from national political processes or indeed supranational that is reflecting the zero sum delegation of political authority from the nation state to a superior regional or global entity
      - global integration, rising security interdependence and the expansion of international law pose real challenges for all states when it comes to traditional concepts and practices of national sovereignty
      - it is time the new sovereigntsits acknowledge that in certain circumstances the limited and voluntary delegation of sovereignty to new frameworks for international cooperation whether in return for securing trade benefits, curbing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction or protecting states from major financial crises is hardly an existential threat to US democracy but rather a fundamental safeguard
- - - - the nature of competition between states in the international system has fundamentally changed[] so has their nature and behaviour towards each other [] authority over society and economy is undergoing another period of diffusion after two or three centuries in which it became increasingly centralised in the institution of the state Strange, S., 1995. The Defective State. Daedalus, 124(2), p.55
      - western social science is obsolescent if not yet quite out of date [] the three propositions may offer the basis for a cartesian synthesis of opposed paradigms in international studies Strange, S., 1995. The Defective State. Daedalus, 124(2), p.55
      - i am not arguing that states themselves are obsolete collectively they are still the most influential and therefore critical sources of authority in the world system but they are increasingly becoming hollow or defective institutions [] the inner core of their authority in society and over economic transactions within their defined territorial borders is seriously impaired Strange, S., 1995. The Defective State. Daedalus, 124(2), p.57
      - the structural forces bringing about the hollowing of state authority are common to all and it is hard to envisage a reversal of the trends Strange, S., 1995. The Defective State. Daedalus, 124(2), p.57
  - - - in the past states competed for control over territory and the wealth-creating resources within territories whether natural or man created now they are increasingly competing for market shares in the world economy Strange, S., 1995. The Defective State. Daedalus, 124(2), p.55
      - territory is no longer the main basis for wealth-creation [] resources may be an asset in the competition for market shares but they are no longer the main determinant of success in the competition between states Strange, S., 1995. The Defective State. Daedalus, 124(2), p.56
      - within the state the authority of central government is perforce increasingly shared with local and regional authorities Strange, S., 1995. The Defective State. Daedalus, 124(2), p.56
      - Once the firm has many political masters instead of one and once it senses that it has to appear a good citizen of host states other than its state of origin it becomes engaged in a political juggling act negotiating with ministries labor organisers and suppliers and distributers in several countries at once Strange, S., 1995. The Defective State. Daedalus, 124(2), p.59
  - - - realists [] despair of changing an international political system based on territorially defined authorities states which claim sovereignty and independence from others [they argue for] coping better with the system and trying to survive in it Strange, S., 1995. The Defective State. Daedalus, 124(2), p.57
      - idealists [] change the system to reduce conflict and foster cooperation between states and by these means gradually transform the system [] favouring radical structural change of social and economic relations, regard the interstate political system as one facet of an unjust structure of power Strange, S., 1995. The Defective State. Daedalus, 124(2), p.57
      - the threeway dialogue is barren [] the three have no common basis for debate Strange, S., 1995. The Defective State. Daedalus, 124(2), p.58
  - - - the accelerating rate of scientific discovery and technological change; the shift from land labor and capital as the key factors of production to capital information and energy and the shift from production for local and national markets to worldwide markets were structural changes Strange, S., 1995. The Defective State. Daedalus, 124(2), p.63
      - asymmetries in state authority [] US government may have suffered some loss of authority the loss has been to the markets not to other states Strange, S., 1995. The Defective State. Daedalus, 124(2), p.63
      - some authority over less politically sensitive issues has shifted from national states to international authorities of various kinds, both interstate and private Strange, S., 1995. The Defective State. Daedalus, 124(2), p.63
      - as a result mainly of the integration of the world economy in finance transport and communication as well as production there are some important responsibilities of political authority that no one in a system of territorially defined states is in a position to fully discharge Strange, S., 1995. The Defective State. Daedalus, 124(2), p.63
    - - nature of state has changed and this has undermined authority
  - - - shift of authority away from states as a collectivity of established, legitimate authorities to other sources of power [] IMF, EU, Amnesty International... Strange, S., 1995. The Defective State. Daedalus, 124(2), p.67
      - if one is heard saying that TNCs have power in the international political economy it is often misinterpreted as meaning that the multinational firm has somehow usurped the role of the state, sovereignty at bay, footloose multinationals so that governments are mere pawns in the hands of corporate managers Strange, S., 1995. The Defective State. Daedalus, 124(2), p.68
      - the shift i am concerned with is between the sources of structural power not a change of hands on the levers of that power Strange, S., 1995. The Defective State. Daedalus, 124(2), p.68
      - U-turns we observed in so many developing countries in the late 1980s and early 1990s from protected home markets state ownership and import substitution to liberalisation privatisation and export promotion [] was no accident. all these changes came about through the control excercised by those foreign firms over the means to the end of earning foreign exchange which governments desperately needed and were unable to achieve any other way than by negotiation and bargaining with the foreign firms Strange, S., 1995. The Defective State. Daedalus, 124(2), p.68