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WHAT ARE THE MAIN ARGUMENTS OF MAUSS'S ESSAY ON THE GIFT, HOW IS THE…

- - - - a gift that does nothing to enhance solidarity is a contradiciton Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.x.
      - there are no free gifts, gift cycles engage persons in permanent commitments that articulate the dominant institutions Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.xii.
      - the gift cycle echoes Adam smith's invisible hand: gift complements market in so far as it operates where the latter is absent. like the market it supplies each individual with personal incentives for collaborating in the pattern of exchanges Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.xviii.
      - Mauss's fertile idea was to present the gift cycle as a theoretical counterpart to the invisible hand Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.xviii.
      - as the last chapter in this volume shows, his own attempt to use the theory of the gift to underpin social democracy is very weak. social security and health insurance are an expression of solidarity, to be sure, but so are a lot of other things and there the likeness ends Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.xix.
      - if we persist in thinking that gifts ought to be free and pure, we will always fail to recognise our own grand cycles of exchanges, which categories get to be included and which get to be excluded from our hospitality Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.xx.
    - - discusses the myth of the free gift, gift exchange accompanying Adam smith's invisible hand, the visible counterpart, gifts enhance solidarity by definition, fails to demonstrate gift cycles as underpinning social democracy
  - - - [havamal, old poems of Scandinavian edda] your soul must blend in with his, and you must exchange presents and frequently pay him visits [] a present given always expects one in return. it is better not to bring any offering than to spend too much on it, Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.2-3.
      - what rule of legality and self-interest in societies of a backward or archaic type compels the gift that has been received to be obligatorily reciprocated? what power resides in the object given that causes its recipient to pay it back Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.4.
      - we have followed the method of exact comparison [] we have renounced that continuous comparison in which everything is mixed up together and in which all institutions lose all local colour and documents their savour Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.6.
    - - outlines intention of ethnography, underlining what makes reciprocators gift giving socially obligatory, rejecting straight exact comparison to retain local colour.
  - - - PARAPHRASE
        
        the gift quite literally demands to be reciprocated as it is viewed as an autonomous entity wishing to be reunited with the giver
      - QUOTE
        
        it is clear in Maori law, the legal tie, a tie occurring through things, is one between souls, because the thing itself possesses a soul, is of the soul [] it follows to make a gift of something is to make a present of some part of oneself Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.16.
        
        the Taonga are strongly linked to the person, the clan and the earth [] they are the vehicle for its mana its magical, religious and spiritual force Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.13.
        
        two essential elements in potlatch proper can be clearly distinguished here: the honour, prestige and mana conferred by wealth and the absolute obligation to reciprocate these gifts under pain of losing that mana, that authority the talisman and source of wealth that is authority itself Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.11.
        
        the thing received is not inactive [] the has follows after anyone possessing the thing Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.15.
        
        one realises that one must give back to another person what is really part and parcel of his nature and substance [] the thing given [] invested with life, often possessing individuality, it seeks to return to what Hertz called its 'place of origin' Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.16.
        
        the taonga that I recieved for these taonga must be returned to you. it would not be fair on my part to keep these taonga for myself whether they were desirable or undesirable. I must give them to you because they are a hat of the taonga that you gave me Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.14.
        
        the most important feature among these spiritual mechanisms is clearly one that obliges a person to reciprocate the present that has been recieved Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.9.
    - - QUOTE
        
        the exchange of presents between men, the 'namesakes' - the homonyms of the spirits, incite the spirits of the dead, the gods, things, animals and nature to be 'generous towards them'
        
        [Toradja of Celebes Island] before cutting his wood or even tilling his soil or planting the upright post of his house, the gods must be paid Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.21.
      - PARAPHRASE
        
        obligation to pay other entities, gods etc, reciprocation to use nature.
  - - - brown reports on the rituals of meeting after a long separation the act of embrace, the greeting made in tears and shows how the exchange of presents is their equivalent and how feelings and persons are mixed up together [] souls are mixed with things, things with souls Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.27.
      - the kula is a sort of grand potlatch. the vehicle for busy intertribal trade, it extends over the whole of the Trobriand Islands, a part of the Entrecasteaux islands and the Amphlett islands Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.14.
      - presents put the seal upon marriage and form a link of kinship between the two parents [] places a taboo on the two groups of parents who from then onwards do not see each other or communicate verbally but continue constantly to exchange presents Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.25.
      - mores than the peoples of Polynesia those of Melanesia have preserved or developed the potlatch, with money in Melanesia the system becomes in part complicated but it is also more clear cut Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.26-7.
      - the vaygu'a are not unimportant things, mere pieces of money [] each one has its name, a personality, a history and even a tale attached to it Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.30
      - the system of gift through exchange permeates all the economic, tribal, and moral life of the Trobriand people, it is impregnanted with it as Malinowski very neatly expressed It Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.37.
  - - - a considerable part of our morality and our lives themselves are still permeated with this same atmosphere of the gift where obligation and liberty intermingle [] we possess more than an tradesman mentality Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.83.
      - the unreciprocated gift still makes the person who has accepted it inferior Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.83.
      - charity is still wounding for him who has accepted it Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.83.
      - in that separate existence that constitutes our social life, we ourselves cannot lag behind [] we must give back more than we have recieved Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.84.
      - things sold stil have a soul. they are still followed around by their former owner and they follow him also Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.84
      - a number of other French customs denote that the thing sold must be detached from the seller by for example striking the thing that is sold, or by whipping the sheep that is sold Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.85
      - a piece of state socialism that has already been realised is inspired by the following principle: the worker has given his life and his labour on the one hand to the collectivity and on the other hand to his employers Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.86
      - in the Mahabharata a malevolent genie of the woods explains to a brahmin who gave away too much and too injudiciously that is why you are thin and pale. the life of the monk and the life of a shylock are both equally to be shunned. this new mortality will surely consist of a good but moderate blend of reality and the ideal Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.88
      - we must not desire the citizen to be either too good or too individualist nor too insensitive or too realist he must have a keen awareness of himself, but also of others and of social reality Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.89.
      - the system that we propose to call the system of total services from clan to clan the system in which individuals and groups exchange everything with one another Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.90
      - he throws the weapon from a circle at the other end of the dance area at the same time calling out the place from where he comes, for example, Kenyan is my land. he stops for a moment and during this time his friends put a present, a spear[] or some other weapon in his hand. a good warrior can thus receive more than his hand can hold, particularly if his daughters marry off Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.90.
    - - QUOTE
        
        several times we have seen how far this whole economy of the exchange through gift lay outside the bounds of the so called natural economy, that of utilitarianism Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.92
        
        the Trobriand islands they have a complex notion that inspires all the economic acts we have described yet this notion is neither that of the free, purely gratuitous rendering of total services nor that of production and exchange purely interested in what is useful, it is a sort of hybrid that flourished Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.93
        
        [malinowski] gradates them between the pure gift and pure barter after bargaining has taken place. this classification is in reality inapplicable [] but in our view precisely one of the most important facts reported by Malinowski and one that throws a brilliant light upon all sexual relationships throughout humanity consists of comprising the constant payment made by man to his wife, as a kind of salary for sexual service rendered Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.93
        
        the vaygu'a of the trobriands, bracelets and necklaces, just as the copper objects of the American northwest or the wampun of the Iroquois are both riches, signs of wealth and a means of exchange and of payment but also things that must be given, or even destroyed. however these are still pledges linked to the persons that use them and these pledges bind them Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.94
        
        to give is to show one's superiority, to be more, to be higher in rank, magister. to accept without giving in return or without giving more back is to become client and servant, to become small and to fall lower, minster, Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.95
        
        it is our western societies who have recently made man an economic animal. but we are not yet all creatures of this genus. among the masses and the elites in our society purely irrational expenditure is commonly practised [] moreover happily we are still somewhat removed from this constant icy utilitarian calculation Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.98
      - PARAPHRASE
  - - - the morality and the practice of exchanges employed in societies immediately preceding our own still retain more or less important traces of all the principles we have just analysed. we believed in fact that we are in a position to show that our own systems of law and economies have emerged from institutions similar to those we describe Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.60.
      - presents are still obligatory, things have special power and form part of human persons Mauss, M., 2001. The gift. London: Routledge, p.72
- - - - the Huaulu people of serum say that they buy their wives and that these have a price and are costly yet they do not say that they sell their sisters or daughters to other men[] they imply that they give them away as gifts Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.1.
      - an equivalent of the price given for the woman must ve returned to the wife-takers by the wife givers in order to sustain their claim that she is given as a gift rather than sold Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.17.
      - marriage exchanges have a dialectical structure: they begin as commodity transactions (rights in a woman are exchanged for their equivalents in valuables) but end as gifts by negating the initial payment with an equivalent counterpayment Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.1.
      - they cannot be defined as either gift or commodity exchanges in an absolute determporalised sense, Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.1
      - the Huaulu buy their women and yet they do not sell them Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.1.
      - in the haul view they depend on one another for reproduction [] the directionality of alliance should never be reversed. this amounts to saying that men marry their mother's brother's daughters and women their father's sister's sons Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.2.
  - - - such radical opposition is largely the result of viewing the gift as an inverted form of commodity exchange [] what may legitimately be translated as 'gift' in different societies forms an area far too heterogeneous to figure as the mirror image of commodity exchange Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.17.
      - even the usual generalisation of the term exchange to cover all phenomena of give and take is misleading and ethnocentric Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.17.
      - Gell's argument is that Melanesian reproductive gift exchanges cannot be understood in isolation from male-controlled commodity exchanges as the latter are templates for the former[] in his view reproductive gift-exchange represents the attempt of men to harness the originally female-centred domain of human reproduction [] it is not clear how commodity exchange can form a template for a form of exchange that is ultimately quite different from it Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.20.
      - it is precisely the shapes of this dialectical flesh that I have myself sought to grasp in this article, arguing that the opposition of gift and commodity exchange has been internalised as constitutive process in Huaulu marriage alliance Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.20.
  - - - the idea that affinal payments are commercial transactions that they can be viewed as the buying and selling of wives has been rejected by mainstream anthropology Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.3.
      - [Levi] bride wealth is thus the establishment of a credit that can only be redeemed by the acquisition of another woman Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.3.
      - instead of trying immediately to fit the huaulu descriptive usages about exchange into our preordained and excessively rigid definitions, we should first attempt to situate these usages in the entire spectrum of give and take as the huaulul conceive and live it Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.5.
  - - - perishables are food and locally manufactured objects of short duration and easy replaceability, durables are imported objects, ancient porcelain plates etc or modern arm shells kitchen implements etc
      - people who are not other should never exchange [] the closer the relationship between two persons the more unilateral and the less subject to accounting the give and take between them is Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.6.
      - the other may always become non other by way of a gift Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.7.
      - the greater the otherness of the parties and the greater the involvement of durables or of items endowed with mainly commercial value int heir transactions the greater the insistence on reciprocity and compensation Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.7
      - the hula tend to define forms of give and take less in terms of the relationship between giver and object given than in terms of the relationship that exists between the parties Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.8.
  - - - otherness is expressed by the insistence on reciprocity between the parties, the overcoming of otherness is expressed and indeed effected by the negation of that reciprocity once it has taken place Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.8.
      - the prospective husband must request the woman and must be prepared to pay a price which is acceptable to the reluctant wife giver the latter transfers the woman or rather certain rights in her only on condition that such payment must be made first [] having received the price of the woman the wife giver returns an equivalent for it thereby establishing a posteriori the unilateral gift like character of the relationship. the payment is thus negated and yet preserved. Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.8
      - a woman is more valuable than any durable because she does more than endure she reproduces Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.9.
      - the different rights in the woman are transferred sequentially at different stages of a complex marriage process that may take many years or even a lifetime [] the transfer of rights is gradual and the issues of loss and compensation become more burning at the stage when the woman and her reproductive potential is to be fully transferred to her husband's group Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.10
      - the premiss of most marriages is this friendship with people who are at the borderline of otherness and non-otherness the actual contracting of marriage implies stressing otherness since it means starting the process of alliance constitution all over again. the stress on others begins to become apparent at the moment in which the female is formally requested as a bride for her male counterpart Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.10
      - the greatest insistence on conditional giving and on exact compensation occurs when the bridegroom is returned to his father's ipa and the woman is taken from her father's house. here the idiom is unmistakably one of loss: losses on one side matching losses on the other. there is little talk of giving out of generosity or mutual respect Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.12
      - it is difficult to separate what is motivated by the obligations or interests inherent in the alliance itself. the two motivations can clearly coexist thereby contributing to th ehuaulu sense that there is something of the market or of buying and selling in the situation [] exchanges that are affinal in name only since their main purpose is to use an object to obtain an object rather than a person, or a social relationship Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.12
  - - - conceptually the terms used to refer to the transactions cannot be viewed as equivalents of the anthropologists gift and countergift [] the wife takers do not give plates as the counter gift for the gift go a woman the movement of exchange is quite different and more complex Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.13
      - there are temporal asymmetries. one involves time as order of succession, the other time as duration Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.13
      - to avoid deadlock the wife takes often have little choice but to release their plates even if they have not managed to bully their counterparts into giving the totality of their equivalent in armshells. they will have to be content with the promise that they will receive the rest as it becomes available, Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.14
      - the price of the woman is principally her equivalent in antique plates the payment of store bought items and even more of cash is often not considered worth mentioning. wife givers also make similar collateral contributions of which no record or no precise record is kept Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.15
      - not only is the buying component becoming stronger but it is being unhinged from its traditional locus where it could be negated by the wife givers counterpayment. these developments threaten to make huaulu marriage exchanges more of a commodity transaction than they ever were Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.15
      - however partial and staggered in time the negation of buying effected by the counterprestation is sufficient progressively to make the transfer of the woman more asymmetrical that is less reciprocated over time what begins as a reciprocal transaction of plates for rights in the woman ends at each stage of the marriage process as a largely non-reciprocal transfer of her Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.15
      - reciprocity is thus moved away from its initial point of application it becomes the reciprocal exchange of plates and armshells the woman progressively ceases to be defined as an object of exchange or as preponderantly so and becomes a unilateral gift.
      - the unintended result of a system of reproduction of alliance which curiosity combines buying and gift giving as two necessary moments of the process of the reproduction of hierarchy out of otherness Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.16
      - why do you reciprocate the wife takers platers with armshells [] because otherwise they would not give us more plates when we need them the answer indicates the extent to which the purely monetary game of exchange has become detached from what ultimately motivates it - the transfer of a woman Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.16
      - it sees to me that this purely monetary game brought into existence by the redefinition of the presentation of plates by the counterprestation of armshells does not simply accompany alliance as a byproduct but is one of the main forms of its existence Valeri, V., 1994. Buying Women But Not Selling Them: Gift and Commodity Exchange in Huaulu Alliance. Man, 29(1), p.17
- - - - PARAPHRASE
      - QUOTE
        
        the conversion of wood into a canoe has some features of a passage rite in which transition takes place across spatiotemporal zones[] separating the wood from its matrix in the heavy zone of the bush and moving it to the medial beach where the transitional operations of assembling take place Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.41
        
        gawan canoe production operates upon natural materials that have certain spatiotemporal properties fundamental to Gawan social symbolism Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.40
        
        the distinction between the land as a whole and sea is symbolised in terms of qualities of notion and weight. land is stable and heavy [] sea or water is associated with qualities of lightness, slipperiness and speed and has directional connotations of upwardness [] the associated pairs of binary oppositions constitute a symbolism of motion that synthesises body time and spatial domains Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.41
        
        gawans want their canoes to be light and quick. they are made however, out of materials drawn from the heavy land. thus the conversion of materials into a canoe must effect a transformation along the dimension of motion that in crossing over spatiotemporal zones also redefines the relation between inanimate materials and animate persons Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.41
    - - QUOTE
        
        like kula valuables, he said, the canoe makes a path, it goes, carries and brings back Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.41
        
        a canoe is owned by the builder and his matrilineal clan, who with their spouses also form the core of the construction team Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.41
        
        the former the kosiray tree now furnishes the brilliant red wood for the canoe body, t he latter provides the white wood for the outrigger float [] the redwood is thought of as feminine in the context of the myth because it is bloodstained, blood in general is a key symbol of matri-bonds. the white wood is male since the term for discharge denotes both semen and female discharge. Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.42
        
        canoes he felt are productive like women: [] they carry people [] when traded they return goods to the builder who distributes them to his matrikin in this way he said a man creates kin, he makes kinship for himself Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.42
        
        staining the trees with her creative substances she marks them with their potential for spatiotemporal transformation from land to sea and non-human to human [] giving a productive potential that relates to its carrying capacity and its capacity to yield multiple returns Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.42
      - PARAPHRASE
    - - QUOTE
        
        canoe kitomu therefore model in their conversion structure the power to reproduce for the individual or the matriclan and for gawa the value generated by detaching materials from gawa sending away the objects so produced [] the capacity of such an object to move up through the kula value categories to maximise value for its gawan owner Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.46
        
        the canoe that has disappeared southward has been converted into an object that ideally can both travel away from the gawa forever and as a permanent posession always return home. capacity is predicated on the power of possession since a man's special control over his kitomu is what makes it infinitely reproducible in exchange Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.46
        
        men emphasis that kitomu are personal possessions sometimes describing them metaphorically as navel to emphasise their inalienability from their owners Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.46
        
        a man puts his kitomu on a kula path where it functions in a unique fashion it can perpetually reproduce itself. moreover this capacity gives it the power to increase in value as if it were capital Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.45
        
        the canoe as an object of exchange that never comes back [] the canoe's irreversible journey as an exchange valuable does not alienate it from its producers all its conversions return to the owing clan Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.45
        
        the canoe path does not establish partnerships that will ideally be continued beyond the single exchange and it does not create a closed circle of transactional movement Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.45
        
        the canoe exchange makes possible a "new" synthetic level of organisation summed up in the Gawan notion of the canoe "path" this term denotes the sequential irreversible movement of the canoe to one recipient after another Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.44
      - PARAPHRASE
    - - QUOTE
        
        the relation between canoe adornment and kitomu in the fabrication cycle can be defined by considering the transformational effect of prow board beautification Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.47
        
        the forms delineated by the carving and shaping of the boards are thus anthropomorphised Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.47
        
        only unmarried youths should paint the boards senior men would make them ugly and dark because they themselves lack beauty. painters must not eat on the day of the painting lest they also darken the canoe boards Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.48
        
        the redness of the canoe hull keys the separation of the canoe from the bushland which is mediated by feminine reproductive sexuality but the red painting in the prow boards evokes mobile light from the sky expressing movement outwards and upwards towards the sea Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.49
        
        the social circulation of the self in the form of ones name epitomises the ideal that the highest prestige accruing to the individual and to gawa derives from transactions with the external inter island world. the canoe pandanus climbing in the wind condenses this outward transformation and the value it returns to the self Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp 50
        
        canoe spells may aim both at making canoe speedy and at exciting the kula partner to give quickly so that the canoe returns laden with valuables. in one spell pandas streamers call the kula partner turning his mind to the gawan Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.50
        
        not only does the decor humanise the visual properties of the canoe but kinesis itself is treated as a potency given by humans to wood through the application of other media Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.50
        
        we may say that adornment symbolises spatiotemporal transformation as value transformation and refers to the value created back to the canoe as its enhancememnt Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.51
        
        kitmou are in a sense the beauty of the entire fabrication cycle: they condense and symbolise the whole cycle as being one of producing and maximising value for gawans through a process of detaching materials rom gawan land, converting them into seagoing vessels that connect gawa other islands and then again sending these seagoing vessels away from gawa on irreversible exchange paths Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.51
      - PARAPHRASE
  - - - shifts of matrix or context are made (elements are separated from one context and entered into another) and shifts of organisational level (new objects or elements reformulate primary ones on another level) Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.39
      - fabrication seen this way does not need with technological construction but consists of the total cycle of conversions effecting significant changes in an object Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.39
      - I argue that to understand what is being created when gawans make a canoe we have to consider the total canoe fabrication cycle which begins in production with the conversion of raw materials into a canoe and continues in exchange with the conversion of the canoe into other objects Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.39
      - the whole process is developmental in that on each plane the conversions yield objects and relations between persons and objects that engage a more powerful control of space-time than the previous plane. thus we shall find that at the highest levels, where the canoes are converted into a special category of kula valuable and can operate in kula exchange the space time created becomes ideally self-perpetuating Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.40
      - I attempt to show that the canoe's prow board adornment plays a special part in the fabrication cycle, one connected particularly with symbolising production as a value creating process. Munn, N., 1977. The Spatiotemporal Transformations of Gawa Canoes. Journal de la Société des océanistes, 33(54), pp.40
    - - intricate analysis of the process of the spatiotemporal transformation of the canoe elevating through conversion planes, production, exchange, kula exchange
      - this conversion of planes is developmental, more intricate connections of space, time, persons with each transformation, effecting more control of space, time