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WHY DO SOCIOLOGISTS OFFER DIFFERENT PORTRAYALS OF POWER? - Coggle Diagram

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        Grasmci also defined the state as 'the entire complex of practical and theoretical activities with which the ruling class not only justifies and maintains its dominance but manages to win the active consent of those over whom it rules Amenta, E. and Nash, K., 2012. The Blackwell companion to political sociology. Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell, p.9
        
        the state is seen as responsible for maintaining the overall structural integration and social cohesion of a society divided into classes Amenta, E. and Nash, K., 2012. The Blackwell companion to political sociology. Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell, p.5.
      - PARAPHRASE
        
        the state as a vehicle for class dominance, Gramsci, through justification, consent, subjection
        
        state maintains class distinction and thereby class warfare and inequality
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        rather than A getting B to do something B would not otherwise do, social relations of power typically involve both A and B doing what they ordinarily do Amenta, E. and Nash, K., 2012. The Blackwell companion to political sociology. Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell, p.4., quote Isaac
        
        power as capacities rather than power as the actualisation of such capacities Amenta, E. and Nash, K., 2012. The Blackwell companion to political sociology. Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell, p.4.
        
        power relations as manifestations of a specific mode or configuration of class domination Amenta, E. and Nash, K., 2012. The Blackwell companion to political sociology. Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell, p.3.
        
        marxist approaches to power and its exercise address the following themes 1. power and class domination 2. the mediations among economic, political and ideologiclal class domination 3. the limitations and contradictions power that are grounded in the nature of capitalism as a system of social relations, including their spatio-temporal aspects and 4. the role of strategy and tactics. Amenta, E. and Nash, K., 2012. The Blackwell companion to political sociology. Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell, p.13
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        a focus balanced between oppression and revolution, resistant techniques, assumption of power relations that are malleable
        
        interdependence of capital and labour
        
        routinisation, A having B do what B would do
        
        power as capacity> actuality
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        ideology (1845-46) stated that 'the ruling ideas of any age are the ideas of the ruling class' and related this to the latter's control over the means of intellectual production Amenta, E. and Nash, K., 2012. The Blackwell companion to political sociology. Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell, p.8.
        
        marxists risk reducing the limits of economic political and ideological power to the effect of class contradictions and thereby missing other sources of failure Amenta, E. and Nash, K., 2012. The Blackwell companion to political sociology. Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell, p.14
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        ideas of ruling class are ruling ideology
        
        reducing idealogical power to class dominance overlooks potential places of failure in system
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        [on the spatio-temporal nature of power] this rests on a distinctive political economy of time and also has inherent tendencies to spatial expansion. the inner determinations of capital accumulation entail specific ways of organising time - reflected in the aphorism that 'time is money'. Amenta, E. and Nash, K., 2012. The Blackwell companion to political sociology. Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell, p.11.
        
        fast policy is antagonistic to corporatism [] it privileges the executive over the legislature and the judiciary, finance over industrial capital [] it undermines the power of decision-makers who have long decision-taking cycles because they lose the capacity to make decisions in terms go their own routines and procedures having to adapt to the speed of fast thinkers and policy makers. Amenta, E. and Nash, K., 2012. The Blackwell companion to political sociology. Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell, p.12
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        time is money
        
        power expands
        
        power uses time as currency
        
        fast policy is antagonistic to corporatism, disrupts routinisation
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        smith Pro free market, aim of government economic policy is to enrich wealth of state and sovereign, restriction detracts from wealth amassing
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        [Adam Smith describes] the aim of political economy as being to enrich both the people and the sovereign and he argues that this aim is best served by promoting the free activities of economic agents [] when he examines the police regulation of economic activity or the workings of the mercantile system, Smith's aim is to show that they detract from the wealth of the nation overall. Amenta, E. and Nash, K., 2012. The Blackwell companion to political sociology. Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell, p.40.
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        to say that individual choice, personal empowerment and markets are widely employed as instruments of government is not to say that the freedom they offer is illusory - although it may sometimes be extremely limited - but it is to insist that individual liberty cannot be seen simply as a limit to the reach of government Amenta, E. and Nash, K., 2012. The Blackwell companion to political sociology. Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell, p.40
        
        the art of government is not concerned primarily with the business of taking over the state, keeping it in one's possession or subordinating it to some external principle of legitimacy but rather with the work of conducting the affairs of the population in what are thought to be the interests of the whole Amenta, E. and Nash, K., 2012. The Blackwell companion to political sociology. Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell, p.39
        
        rather than act directly on the actions of individuals government aims to do so indirectly by influencing the manner in which individuals regulate their own behaviour. Amenta, E. and Nash, K., 2012. The Blackwell companion to political sociology. Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell, p.38
        
        power over others should be seen as a matter of the total structure of actions brought to bear on their behaviour Amenta, E. and Nash, K., 2012. The Blackwell companion to political sociology. Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell, p.37
        
        while politically oriented activity may not be directly governmental the problem of how to deal with it has always been one of the central concerns of the art of government. its failure to consider the governmental implications of such activity is one or the more serious limitations of the Foucaultian treatment of government Amenta, E. and Nash, K., 2012. The Blackwell companion to political sociology. Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell, p.42
        
        the Foucaultian account of liberal and nonliteral government has therefore focussed on its deployment of individual liberty [] the implications are rather more complex; individuals may be naturally endowed with a capacity for autonomous action but this does not mean that the capacity will always be fully realised. Amenta, E. and Nash, K., 2012. The Blackwell companion to political sociology. Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell, p.45
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        capacity for autonomous action is not synonymous with capitalising on that capacity
        
        Foucault limited because does not consider governmental implications of dealing with political oriented activity
        
        power over others consists of actions upon actions, restriction, enabling etc.
        
        the art of government is to the ends of routinisation of what the people would do
        
        promoting a manner of self-regulation
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        weber describes action as being politically oriented if it aims at exerting influence on the government of a political organisation especially at the appropriation redistribution or allocation of the powers of government Amenta, E. and Nash, K., 2012. The Blackwell companion to political sociology. Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell, p.41.
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        an action is politically motivated given it is aimed at exerting influence on the governance of an organisation
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        [in Foucaultian accounts] relations between states are often seen as largely ungoverned that is as a kind of anarchy which is regulated to some degree by treaties, a variety of less formal accommodations and the occasional war between them Amenta, E. and Nash, K., 2012. The Blackwell companion to political sociology. Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell, p.43
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        vague, leaves it to treaties and mediation, ungoverned
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        STRUCTURE
        
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        the exercise of hierarchical surveillance normalising judgement and systematic examination calls for organisational resources, coercive means of enforcing behavioural regulations and instruments of data collection and analysis for which there are no obvious analogues in the case of interactions outside of institutional settings Cronin, C., 1996. Bourdieu and Foucault on power and modernity. Philosophy & Social Criticism, 22(6), pp.63
        
        PARAPHRASE
        
        power that is regulatory and minute and reproductive requires systematic surveillance in order to enforce behavioural regulation
        
        CRITICISM
        
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        while [Foucault's] critique goes some way toward explaining why mechanisms of power in modern society seem to escape individual control, it runs the risk of reducing power to a play of forces unconnected with recognisable human concerns Cronin, C., 1996. Bourdieu and Foucault on power and modernity. Philosophy & Social Criticism, 22(6), pp.60
        
        Foucault's genealogical studies suggests that his critique of subject centred notions of power is so radical that it becomes impossible to identify any social location of the exercise of power or of resistance to power and his notion of the disciplinary society is too monolithic to account for the diverse forms that power assumes in modern societies Cronin, C., 1996. Bourdieu and Foucault on power and modernity. Philosophy & Social Criticism, 22(6), pp.56
        
        PARAPHRASE
        
        too monolithic/ generalising and overlooks specific, diverse forms of power
        
        reduces power to play of invisible forces detached from human agency
        
        DEF OF POWER
        
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        Foucault argues that modern power can no longer be understood as something invested in subjects who exercise it over others with the sanction of right or law; on the contrary, since the 19th century power has increasingly operated through impersonal mechanisms of bodily discipline that escape the consciousness and will of individual and collective social agents Cronin, C., 1996. Bourdieu and Foucault on power and modernity. Philosophy & Social Criticism, 22(6), pp.56
        
        a shift from a substantive con option of power as invested in and exercised by and over subjects to a relational view of power as a function of a network of relations between subjects Cronin, C., 1996. Bourdieu and Foucault on power and modernity. Philosophy & Social Criticism, 22(6), pp.57
        
        whereas sovereign power is negative it prohibits behaviour that does not conform to the law, disciplinary power is productive through minute and exhaustive techniques of surveillance, regulation and examination designed to control bodily behaviour in a continuous manner Cronin, C., 1996. Bourdieu and Foucault on power and modernity. Philosophy & Social Criticism, 22(6), pp.58
        
        it is concerned not with the legality of conduct and the punishment of transgressions but with the normalisation of behaviour designed to harness the productive and reproductive capacities of the body Cronin, C., 1996. Bourdieu and Foucault on power and modernity. Philosophy & Social Criticism, 22(6), pp.58
        
        PARAPHRASE
        
        focus less on state as punisher and more as state as reproducer, not punishing transgression from the norm but reproducing new norms, normalisation of behaviour
        
        disciplinary power is productive, continuous
        
        relational view of power, network of relations between subjects
        
        power as exercised through impersonal mechanisms, routinisation, normalisation
    - - CAPITAL
        
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        cultural capital is closely related to inherited economic capital, since families seek to maintain and improve their social position by converting wealth into cultural capital through education and cultural consumption thereby instilling dispositions and attitudes that later translate into economic opportunities Cronin, C., 1996. Bourdieu and Foucault on power and modernity. Philosophy & Social Criticism, 22(6), pp.69
        
        PARAPHRASE
        
        capital is increasing power within and between power fields, e.g. collecting cultural capital to transfer to economic capital with age
        
        CRITICISMS
        
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        Bourdieu allows that the individual can achieve some control in shaping her or his habits in virtue of the awakenings of consciousness and socioanalysis that is through the objectification of relations of domination in the social sciences that cuts through the mystifications of the doxa; but he does not explain how the results of such awakening could be integrated into an autonomous personal identity Cronin, C., 1996. Bourdieu and Foucault on power and modernity. Philosophy & Social Criticism, 22(6), pp.74
        
        the constitution of a just social order presupposes in turn that agents can adopt a reflexive, critical attitude toward their socially constructed identity by breaking the hold of repressive schemes of interpretation and evaluation internalised in the habitus. thus a genuine emancipatory politics calls for the cultivation of non-repressive structures of self-identity in dialectical interaction with discursively mediated structures of intersubjectivity Cronin, C., 1996. Bourdieu and Foucault on power and modernity. Philosophy & Social Criticism, 22(6), pp.79
        
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        heavy focus on the collective and less so on identity of the individual
        
        just social order requires a sociology of power that enables agents to be reflective and critical of socially constructed identity, working apart from the doxa
      - DOXA
        
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        the shared cultural belief system on which symbolic power rests Bourdieu calls the doxa: as a structuring principle of the habitus it underlies an immediate unreflective bodily adherence to a common sense view of the world which ensures that practices and the social divisions and relations of domination they reproduce are experienced as self-evident and hence are taken for granted Cronin, C., 1996. Bourdieu and Foucault on power and modernity. Philosophy & Social Criticism, 22(6), pp.66
        
        PARAPHRASE
        
        doxa structures the habitus in informing it with a shared cultural belief system, those things taken for granted within the power field
      - HABITUS
        
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        The habits consists of a system of durably inculcated dispositions that structure both the agent's behaviour and her or his perceptions and representations of situations of action and of the social world in general Cronin, C., 1996. Bourdieu and Foucault on power and modernity. Philosophy & Social Criticism, 22(6), pp.64
        
        because the habitus encodes implicit cultural knowledge the actions it generates have a social meaning that transcends the conscious intentions of the agent and is inseparable from the structure of the social world and its history Cronin, C., 1996. Bourdieu and Foucault on power and modernity. Philosophy & Social Criticism, 22(6), pp.67
        
        PARAPHRASE
        
        durable inculcated dispositions, encodes implicit cultural knowledge, habitus is living the reality of your field whereas doxa is the stuff of the field
      - STRUCTURE & STATE
        
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        systems of classification which reproduce in their own specific logic the objective classes [] make their specific contribution to the reproduction of the power relations of which they are the product Cronin, C., 1996. Bourdieu and Foucault on power and modernity. Philosophy & Social Criticism, 22(6), pp.65
        
        while the divisions of the social field reflect enduring relations of domination, class domination Is not a direct effect of the coercive actions of the dominant class but an indirect effect of the structure of the social field Cronin, C., 1996. Bourdieu and Foucault on power and modernity. Philosophy & Social Criticism, 22(6), pp.69
        
        the state [] becomes the guarantor of an official national culture which identifies itself with the general interest and the supreme regulatory instance of the practices through which the behavioural and evaluative dispositions of the habitus are inculcated Cronin, C., 1996. Bourdieu and Foucault on power and modernity. Philosophy & Social Criticism, 22(6), pp.71
        
        bourdieu views the state as a field of power in which agents who occupy dominant positions in the restricted cultural fields struggle for control over the power invested in the insitiutions of the state to impose the official representations of the social world Cronin, C., 1996. Bourdieu and Foucault on power and modernity. Philosophy & Social Criticism, 22(6), pp.72
        
        the real problem of legitimacy for bourdieu is that the established order is for the most part accepted as unproblematic and that with the exception of crisis situations the question of legitimacy of the state is never posed Cronin, C., 1996. Bourdieu and Foucault on power and modernity. Philosophy & Social Criticism, 22(6), pp.72
        
        a scheme of classification which reinforces male domination by associating things female with what is sinister, secret, treacherous and magical makes it possible for women to cultivate a secret domain of symbolic power of sorcery and magic in opposition to the official, public power of men [] cultural homogeneity of traditional societies and the ubiquitous regulation of practices by consensual schemes of the doxa and the habits mean that the scope for resistance to operations of domination in such societies is relatively limited Cronin, C., 1996. Bourdieu and Foucault on power and modernity. Philosophy & Social Criticism, 22(6), pp.66
        
        PARAPHRASE
        
        structure as a product of power maintains power relations in producing classes, but class domination is not an effect of the dominant class but a product of the structure of a social field
        
        the state has a lot of influence over the doxa of the nation and the habitus people adopt within power fields
        
        habitus tends to mean the questioning of legitimacy of the state is rarely imposed
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        a relationship of violence acts upon a body or upon things; it forces, it bends, it breaks, it destroys or it closes off all possibilities Foucault, M., n.d. Power/knowledge. New York: Vintage Books, p.340
        
        even though consent and violence are instruments or results they do not constitute the principle or basic nature of power Foucault, M., n.d. Power/knowledge. New York: Vintage Books, p.341
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        the paradigm of consent and violence do not encompass the nature of power, these are ongoing paradigms within power but not entirely constituent of it
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        the modern western state has integrated into a new political shape an old power technique that originated in christian institutions. we can call this power technique pastoral power Foucault, M., n.d. Power/knowledge. New York: Vintage Books, p.333
        
        no longer [] leading people to their salvation in the next world but rather ensuring it in this world [] health, wellbeing, security, protection against accidents Foucault, M., n.d. Power/knowledge. New York: Vintage Books, p.334
        
        [stalinism and fascism] used and extended mechanisms already present in most other societies. more than that in spite of their own internal madness they used to a large extent the ideas and the devices of our political rationality Foucault, M., n.d. Power/knowledge. New York: Vintage Books, p.328
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        p 333 pastoral power assures salvation, considers sacrifice for the people not royalty the other way round, individual care from cradle to grave, intense knowing of subjects
        
        adoption of christian, religious pastoral role, filling void, like Schumpeter and Tocqueville allude to
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        the main objective of these struggles is to attack not so much such or such institution of power or group or elite or class but rather a technique, a form of power Foucault, M., n.d. Power/knowledge. New York: Vintage Books, p.331
        
        these struggles are not exactly for or against the individual rather they are struggles against the government of individualisation Foucault, M., n.d. Power/knowledge. New York: Vintage Books, p.330
        
        every power relationship implies, at least in potential, a strategy of struggle, in which the two forces are not superimposed, do not lose their specific nature, or do not finally become confused. each constitutes for the other a kind of permanent, a point of possible reversal Foucault, M., n.d. Power/knowledge. New York: Vintage Books, p.346
        
        three types of struggles: against forms of domination,[] against forms of exploitation[] or against that which ties the individual to himself and submits him to others in this way Foucault, M., n.d. Power/knowledge. New York: Vintage Books, p.331
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        p 330 analyses anti-authority struggles and what they hold in common
        
        not struggles against an institution but struggles against a technique of power, a form, an action
        
        struggle can be at the heart of power relations insofar as they retain solidity, and do not compromise form
        
        struggle against domination, exploitation and association
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        my objective has been to create a history of the different modes by which in our culture Human beings are made subjects [] it is not power, but the subject that is the general theme of my research Foucault, M., n.d. Power/knowledge. New York: Vintage Books, p.326
        
        [power] is a set of actions on possible actions: it incites, it induces, it seduces, it makes easier or more difficult, it releases or contrives, makes more probable or less, in the extreme it constrains or forbids absolutely but it is always a way of acting upon one or more acting subjects by virtue of their acting or being capable of action. a set of actions upon other actions Foucault, M., n.d. Power/knowledge. New York: Vintage Books, p.341
        
        how not in the sense of how does it manifest itself but how is it exercised and what happens when individuals exert as we say power over others ? Foucault, M., n.d. Power/knowledge. New York: Vintage Books, p.337
        
        the term power designates relationships between partners [] an ensemble of actions that induce others and follow from one another. Foucault, M., n.d. Power/knowledge. New York: Vintage Books, p.337
        
        power exists only as exercised by some on others, only when it is put into action, even though, of course, it is inscribed in a field of sparse available possibilities underpinned by permanent structures Foucault, M., n.d. Power/knowledge. New York: Vintage Books, p.340
        
        power is not a matter of consent [] it is not the renunciation of freedom, a transfer of rights or power of each and all delegated to a few [] the relationship of power may be an effect of a prior or permanent consent but it is not by nature the manifestation of a consensus. Foucault, M., n.d. Power/knowledge. New York: Vintage Books, p.340
        
        to find out what our society means by "sanity" perhaps we should investigate what is happening in the field of insanity [] and to understand what power relations are about perhaps we should investigate the forms of resistance and attempts made to dissociate these relations Foucault, M., n.d. Power/knowledge. New York: Vintage Books, p.329
        
        Kant asks something else [than who am I] what are we? in a very precise moment of history [his] question appears as an analysis of both us and our present Foucault, M., n.d. Power/knowledge. New York: Vintage Books, p.335
        
        a writer in a well known French newspaper once expressed his surprise "why is the notion of power raised by so many people today? is it such an important subject? is it so independent that it can be discussed without taking into account other problems?" Foucault, M., n.d. Power/knowledge. New York: Vintage Books, p.328
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        finding the locus of power by evaluating what it is not, like a photographic negative
        
        power is not by nature the paradigm of consent and or violence
        
        not how manifest, how excercised
        
        focus on subject not power as an entity in and of itself
        
        power is a set of actions on possible actions
- - - - political powers are of centralised, institutionalised, territorial regulation; military powers are of organised physical force wherever they are organised Mann, Michael. 1986. The Sources of Social Power, Vol. I: A History of Power from the Beginning to A.D. 1760. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 11
      - authoratative power requires a logistical infrastructure; diffused power requires a universal infrastructure. both enable us to concentrate on an orgnaisational analysis of power and society and to examine their sociospatial contours. Mann, Michael. 1986. The Sources of Social Power, Vol. I: A History of Power from the Beginning to A.D. 1760. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 10
      - the central problems concern organisation, control, logistics, communication, the. capacity to organise and control people, materials and territories Mann, Michael. 1986. The Sources of Social Power, Vol. I: A History of Power from the Beginning to A.D. 1760. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 3
      - if IR between states are peaceful but stratified we will wish to talk of a political power structuring of the wider international society that is not determined by military power. this is so today, for example, with respect to the powerful but largely demilitarised Japanese or West German states. Mann, Michael. 1986. The Sources of Social Power, Vol. I: A History of Power from the Beginning to A.D. 1760. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 11
      - advanced capitalist states are not political rather than economic phenomena: they are both simultaneously Mann, Michael. 1986. The Sources of Social Power, Vol. I: A History of Power from the Beginning to A.D. 1760. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 17
    - - power as highly dependent on infrastructure to endure
      - interrelation of power fields upholding one another
  - - - the sources of social power are "track laying vehicles" for the tracks do not exist before the direction is chosen laying different gauges if track across the social and historical terrain Mann, Michael. 1986. The Sources of Social Power, Vol. I: A History of Power from the Beginning to A.D. 1760. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 28
      - power sources are not composed internally of a number of stable factors all showing the same coloration. when an independent source of power emerges it is promiscuous in relation to factors fathering them from all crannies of social life giving them only a distinctive organisational configuration Mann, Michael. 1986. The Sources of Social Power, Vol. I: A History of Power from the Beginning to A.D. 1760. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp.22
      - to use Adam Smith's famous metaphor, the principal instrument of power in a market is an "invisible hand" constraining all, yet not controlled by any single human agency. it is a form of human power, but it is not authoritatively organised Mann, Michael. 1986. The Sources of Social Power, Vol. I: A History of Power from the Beginning to A.D. 1760. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 8
      - a general account of societies, their structure and their history can best be given in terms of the interrelations of what I will call the four sources of social power: idealogical, economic, military and political relationships. these are overlapping networks of social interaction not dimensions levels or factors of a single social totality. they are also organisations, institutional means of attaining human goals. Mann, Michael. 1986. The Sources of Social Power, Vol. I: A History of Power from the Beginning to A.D. 1760. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 2
      - ideological power offers a distinctive sociospatial method of dealing with emergent social problems Mann, Michael. 1986. The Sources of Social Power, Vol. I: A History of Power from the Beginning to A.D. 1760. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 24
      - human beings pursuing many goals set up many networks of social interaction. the boundaries and capacities of these networks do not coincide. some networks have greater capacity for organising intensive and extensive, authoratative and diffused, social cooperation than others. Mann, Michael. 1986. The Sources of Social Power, Vol. I: A History of Power from the Beginning to A.D. 1760. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 27
    - - distinguishes authority and diffused power, intensive and extensive
      - four sources of social power: idealogical, economic, military, political, not controlled by any single human agency but an intertwined structure, questions of what is the will of power
      - Smith's invisible hand, the fear of coercion, conspiracy theories
  - - - the relation between the capitalist mode of production and the state. Weberians argue that Marx and his followers neglect the structural power of states and concentrate exclusively on the power of capitalism Mann, Michael. 1986. The Sources of Social Power, Vol. I: A History of Power from the Beginning to A.D. 1760. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 17
      - Weberians justify the importance of ideological power in terms of the human need to find meaning in the world. [] marxists view political and ideological levels as necessary means to extract surplus labour from the direct producers, weberians argue that they are all means of power Mann, Michael. 1986. The Sources of Social Power, Vol. I: A History of Power from the Beginning to A.D. 1760. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 12
    - - Weberian emphasis on relations of structure and power, Marxist emphasis on economy and power
      - Weberian higher arc of epistemology and knowledge, Marxists that is a sub-arc under economy
  - - - society becomes a large box or circle of an n-dimensional space subdivided into smaller boxes, sectors, levels, vectors or dimensions Mann, Michael. 1986. The Sources of Social Power, Vol. I: A History of Power from the Beginning to A.D. 1760. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 12
      - Societies are constituted of multiple overlapping and intersecting sociospatial networks of power Mann, Michael. 1986. The Sources of Social Power, Vol. I: A History of Power from the Beginning to A.D. 1760. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 1
      - [assumption] because people are social animals, they have a need to create a society, bounded and patterned social totality. but this is false. human beings need to enter into social power relations but they do not need social totalities, they are social, but not societal animals. Mann, Michael. 1986. The Sources of Social Power, Vol. I: A History of Power from the Beginning to A.D. 1760. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 1
    - - humans as social not societal animals, some willing into existence and conscious and subconscious maintaining of larger social entities like corporations, nations etc.
      - societal dwelling is n-dimensional and can be subdivided but these fields of power/ authority/ belonging overlap and maintain one another