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WHAT DISTINCTIVE THEORETICAL CONTRIBUTIONS HAVE ANTHROPOLOGISTS MADE TO…

- - - - in context characterised by lean municipal government, new reductions in social-service delivery, reduced fiscal capacity, and austerity politics, the disruptive actions taken by African American youth are best understood, I argue, as an effort to reclaim urban public space. Maskovsky, J., 2017. Reclaiming the streets. Focaal, 2017(79), pp.40
      - proponents of the commons concept therefore need to address race explicitly in their elaboration of equality, justice and collective stewardship Maskovsky, J., 2017. Reclaiming the streets. Focaal, 2017(79), pp.49
      - an analytical move beyond a simplistic domination/resistance paradigm to explore a new regime of antisocial security Maskovsky, J., 2017. Reclaiming the streets. Focaal, 2017(79), pp.49
    - - centring the discussion of power around the mastery of space.
      - understanding the agency of both parties in conflict over mastery of space
      - highlighting the intersection of race, insurgency and securitisation
      - expanding the dimensions of the set that this conflict takes place in, not just the stage, but the cameras, where are they pointed, what are they communicating
      - a perhaps naive notion that a camera is a mechanism for justice and truth, there are more dimensions to being seen, being interpreted, perceived comes after the footage.
  - - - space; the organisation of people in space and who determines this organisation.
      - are the protestors fighting purely over space, or over who is watching the space and how the audience views it
      - critically analysing the undermining of youth teen mobs as apolitical narcissistic attempts of the youth to see themselves larger, reflected. 'for whatever reason we like to see ourselves reflected back to us in stories'
    - - indeed if 'teen flash mobs' are a fiction told by municipal elites and their supporters to obscure the spatialise effects of large-scale political economic change on urban African Americans [Massaro and Mulliany 2011] then "turbulent crowd actions" involving African American teens should be understood, I think, as part of a broader protest landscape that is revolting against these arrangements. Maskovsky, J., 2017. Reclaiming the streets. Focaal, 2017(79), pp.40
      - if modulation, not enclosure, is the new means through which power will operate in the world today, then commoning must address the many dangers of a society of continuous control Maskovsky, J., 2017. Reclaiming the streets. Focaal, 2017(79), pp.49
      - are the refusals by teen crowds, BLM and Philadelphia voters to follow the scripts provided by past movements and politics an attempt to resist enclosure and reclaim public space and resources in order build commons or are they after something [] which has less to do woth establishing a common will and more to do with a form of political action that can move rapidly from place to place, from person to person, group to group to protect [people from] unjust gazes to which they are subjected Maskovsky, J., 2017. Reclaiming the streets. Focaal, 2017(79), pp.49
  - - - a nimble form of securitisation and surveillance that seeks to identify threats in racially diverse and socially inclusive spaces without impeding the movement and mobility of people who are inhabiting them Maskovsky, J., 2017. Reclaiming the streets. Focaal, 2017(79), pp.40
      - sort[ing] people into categories of productive and unproductive personhood, and, importantly, singling out pariahs who should be punished for violating aesthetic and moral principles that are difficult to discern and unevenly applied. Maskovsky, J., 2017. Reclaiming the streets. Focaal, 2017(79), pp.42
      - the kind of surveillance that allows this new matrix to become visible is profoundly antisocial in the sense that it is unconcerned with the questions of social cohesion and normalisation and concerned instead with identifying, animating and proliferating hetereogeneous subjectivities whose relationships to a larger social whole are largely irrelevant to the new hegemonic order. Maskovsky, J., 2017. Reclaiming the streets. Focaal, 2017(79), pp.42
      - a global population of displaced, evicted and dislocated people, cast out of professional livelihood, living space and even from life itself. Maskovsky, J., 2017. Reclaiming the streets. Focaal, 2017(79), pp.44
      - people who reside in Philadelphia's "outcast ghettos" they nontheless are not contained there and are mobile enough to come together in commercial areas [] teen crowd actions are [] an expression of public space occupation and youth who are widely views as inherently ungovernable, disorganised and disruptive, and hence without any legitimate right to inhabit urban public space on this scale. Maskovsky, J., 2017. Reclaiming the streets. Focaal, 2017(79), pp.46
      - their desire to be seen in urban public spaces where they are not permitted to congregate en masse is a political commentary of sorts. it is not just a refusal to be contained in the outcast ghettos to which they have been relegated, it is about the affirmative power of being seen, of being both in the city and of it. Maskovsky, J., 2017. Reclaiming the streets. Focaal, 2017(79), pp.47
    - - who has rights to be in these spaces without being seen as a provocative agent
      - a reaction to remove yourself from spaces relegated to you, and an action to place yourself in those spaces reserved for perceived better others
  - - - 'to get out, to be seen' Maskovsky, J., 2017. Reclaiming the streets. Focaal, 2017(79), pp.46
      - body cameras bring sewing and being viewed into new domains[] the idea that body cameras will somehow create the kind of unambiguous "evidence" necessary to either prove the police innocent or guilty of misconduct. Maskovsky, J., 2017. Reclaiming the streets. Focaal, 2017(79), pp.47
      - "what is permissible?" "what is reasonable?" "what is just?" are increasingly framed in the terms of "what looks permissible?" "what looks reasonable?" "what looks just?" Maskovsky, J., 2017. Reclaiming the streets. Focaal, 2017(79), pp.47
      - in both cases "flash mobs" and BLM, there is an interesting dialectic between seeing and being seen, looking and being looked at, security and insecurity that plays out in the battle over urban public space. Maskovsky, J., 2017. Reclaiming the streets. Focaal, 2017(79), pp.48
    - - the notion that in tangent with controlling space, which is the first layer of the basic domination/ resistance paradigm, there is a notion of who is trying to control the lenses through which that resistance is recorded, understood, watched
      - control of both sides of the lens
- - - - the locus of power lies as much in the perceptions and projections of the subjects as it does in the figure and actions of their leader Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.283
      - as well as asking why he was powerful, they were asking why they were not.Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.283
      - business, religion and politics have all become condensed into one banner, one slogan, one man Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.285
      - his political control rests in his executive presidential powers, his wealth lies in his business empire, his prestige lies in his central position in, and control over, the institutional loci of charisma, namely presidential and ecclesiastical office. Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.285
      - this brings us to the interaction of authority and power. while the former operates at the cultural level of prestige, the latter is manifest in the execution of political intent. Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.304
    - - power as a contrast, myself in position to you.
      - Weberian insp - legal-rational authority (generalised rules of jurisdiction imposed by legitimate agency) traditional authority (long-established order, traditionally transmitted rules) charismatic authority (innovation on part of leader in opposition to established society)
      - the locus of power is Ravalomanana but he is constituted of many operating models of power that reinforce the other. it is a balancing act.
  - - - which attributes and achievements of powerful figures are particularly convincing; how an image of power is created and sustained; and how it is reflected and refracted between the leader and the people Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.285
      - this paper is more about the projection and perception of power than it is about the material basis of it Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.285
      - it is the symbolic communicative power of those foreign connections, rather than their economic effects which I focus on Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.286
      - how different, opposing ethnographic and theoretical models of power and authority converge in the figure of a democratically elected president. Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.287
      - from a structural perspective, Ravalomanana's charismatic authority is becoming 'routinised' into the established order Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.286
    - - to illustrate power as something practiced in a dialectical manner
      - to illustrate power as not defined by one singular model but an interaction of models, as Leach communicated
      - predominantly a symbolic approach
  - - - western governments and institutions may be supporting Ravalomanana in office, but it was the Malagasy people themselves who put him there and who will remove him if he does not deliver. Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.286
      - in public, his image refracts between two poles, as he appears simultaneously to be both of, and not of, the people Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.291
      - charisma is the expectation of the ordinary [Feuchtwang and Mingling 2001: 172] Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.293
      - the image that [he] presented refracted continually, alternating between that of a super-wealthy foreigner and a hand-shaking Malagasy. Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.293
      - POSITIVE SPACE
        
        QUOTE
        
        by collapsing the spatial exclusivity that normally separates him from his people, [he] is offering a physical connection to his source of power Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.293
        
        [calling people closer to the stage] it acts as a snub to the head of security and more generally it is a deliberate undermining of state officialdom [he[ declares to the people he is on their side against the faceless conventions of the state. Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.292
        
        PARAPHRASE
        
        relational power in decreasing the space between the holder of power and subjects
      - NEGATIVE SPACE
        
        QUOTE
        
        using humiliation to underline hierarchy Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.297
        
        the use of a military escort [during the expelling] compounded the humiliation, since the escort was made up of Koumba's former colleagues and subordinates. the use of armed guards was also a macabre inversion of the normal airport departure, in which the departing person is accompanied by a posse of family and friends.
        
        [he] fired him on the spot, giving him twenty four hours to leave the country.Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.298
        
        powerful leaders in Madagascar are characterised by their willingness to break taboos that ordinary people would never dare break Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.299
        
        PARAPHRASE
        
        relational power in increasing space between the holder of power and subjects
    - - simultaneous distance and presence, e.g. showing up at a pop concert.
      - power is dialectical
      - this is a constant calculation and oscillation to maintain traditional spectacle and progressive spectacle, a transgression of space in the present to allude to being in tune with the past or future
  - - - his ability to coalesce material elemental power has led to his success in coalescing democratic political power. both can be seen as kinds of tribute, paid in small amounts by people to a leader who responds through the promise of prosperity Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.288
      - big men's power, then, lies in their actions, not their status. this kind of power is central to the politics of leadership amongst the people of Sahafatra, small-scale, wet-rice cultivators in south-east Madagascar. Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.287, insp Sahlin's Melanesian power.
      - it is a similar ability to generate prosperity from the land and people of Madagascar that makes Ravalomanana exceptional... Tiko, then, can be taken as evidence of Madagascar's innate potential, realised by Ravalomanana's 'big man' entrepreneurship. Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.287-8
      - in the remotest villages, children learned his name and associated it with this gift. [satchel, we are learning] this act of calculated generosity was excellent political communication. it was the gesture of a 'big man'. Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.288
      - he promised to build a tomato-canning plant so that they, the people of Betafo, would have access to wider markets.[] to offer a factory is to reinforce the transient physical connection of the spectacle with the promise of more durable benefit. the factory itself will become a symbol which embodies and perpetuates the collective moment. Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.294
      - [he] is offering the people access to a world far beyond their reach and largely beyond their ken [] tapping into the locals' mystical notion of what an extraordinarily powerful person might bring them Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.294
      - tribute flows upwards, munificence flows downwards Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.295
      - when he offers a tomato cannery to a crowd of peasants he sees it more as a politico-economic strategy than the expected fulfilment of a mystical relationship based on a numinous notion of otherworldly power. Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.302
    - - power as actively created through the act of giving , promising, manifesting
      - the expectation of gift and exceeding locals' perceptions of what is ordinarily possible
      - the role of the giver as a bridge between what you want and what you can have, desire and reality, when they meet, enforce the power of the giver. fulfilment. trust. honour.
      - both giving gifts, and making something of the gift given.
      - you can be conscious in the agency of what you are doing, i.e. cannery gift, economic chip of confidence, promise manifest, and simultaneously unaware of symbolic expectations fulfilled, numinous connection.
  - - - followers stick close to the fund of power because it is in their interests to do so Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.289
      - the 'organised acquiescence' of the people, that is to say the natural disposition of the public to revere and follow holders of high office because of the material benefits they offer and the aura of potency the office emanates. Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.289
      - the power of the spectacle it can pull a crowd just through its promise of the extraordinary[] here I am not so much interested in how the state infiltrates people's lives, as how it dazzles their eyes. Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.289
      - the display [26 June, Independence Day] sent two concurrent signals to the crowd: on the one hand, it was evidence of the glorious and protective state, the sovereignty and unification of Madagascar; on the other hand, it represent the latent but clearly terrible force that the president controlled and could unleash. Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.290
      - the purpose of such ceremonials is to accentuate non-personal symbolic qualities and thereby mark the leader's difference from ordinary people Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.290
      - [he] did not participate in the slaughter of the bull but the fact of his being effectively its sponsor would have associated him with its usual ritual meanings [Merina Monarch Andrianampoinimerina killed bulls in lands conquered by rivals] Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.290
      - as Bloch argues, traditional authority is convincing because it binds everybody into this hierarchy, implying, as it does, 'a total order of which both superior and inferior are a part though in different degree' Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.296
    - - demarcations of power for and against the people, visual manifestations of that dynamic
      - plays on relational dialectic, I am here, you are there, how you can benefit by physical and symbolic distance to he who holds power, 'he who is near the cooking pot gets rice'
      - visual manifestations of what the state can provide through forces and how those same forces can deprive
  - - - Weber's distinction between different types of authority gets blurred in practice because they are 'ideal types', not empirical reality. Ravalomanana [] stands beneath the Malagasy flag handing out voninahitra while at the same time presenting himself as herald of 'the new way', a world bank corporatist who will bring home the wealth of 'the other side'.Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.304
    - - Leach's point was that theoretical categories are too rigid and that different models of power could operate simultaneously in the same place. this is clearly what is happening in Madagascar under Ravalomanana Freeman, L., 2007. Why are some people powerful?. p.303
- - - - this paper will explore how the reconstitution of illness, bodies, and consciousness is involved in the deployment of healing practices in multinational factories. ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.28
      - this essay seeks to illuminate general questions regarding the connections among afflication, cultural experience and hegemony in the process of social change ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.28
      - I would argue that the recoding of the human body-work relation is a critical and contested dimension of daily conduct in the modern factory. ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.35
      - The spirit idiom is therefore a language of protest against these changing social circumstances.ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.38
    - - exploring spirit possession in multinational factories based in Malaysia
      - ONG views spirit posession as a subconscious form of retaliation against change
  - - - part of a "complex negotiation of reality" (Crapanzano 1977:16) by an emergent female industrial workforce. ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.28
      - the workers' profound sense of status ambiguity and dislocation ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.28
      - spirit posession became overnight the affliction of young, unmarried women placed in modern organisations [] "epidemic hysteria" ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.28
      - spirit beliefs reflect everyday anxieties about the management of social relations in village society ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.31
      - he above lurid imagery speaks of the women's loss of control over their bodies as well as their lack of control over social relations in the factory. Furthermore, the image of body alienation also reveals intense guilt (and repressed desire), and the felt need to be on guard against violation by the male management staff who, in the form of fearsome predators, may suddenly materialize anywhere in the factory ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.34
      - bomoh visits and their photographic images were different ways of defining a social reality, which simultaneously acknowledged and manipulated the workers' fear of spirits. ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.36
      - These social relations, brought about in the process of industrial capitalism, are experienced as a moral disorder in which workers are alienated from their bodies, the products of their work, and their own culture.ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.29
      - Spirit possession episodes may be taken as expressions both of fear and of resistance against the multiple violations of moral boundaries in the modern factory. They are acts of rebellion, symbolizing what cannot be spoken directly, calling for a renegotiation of obligations between the management and workers ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.38
      - the management also manipulates the bomoh to serve the interests of the factory rather than express the needs of the work ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.38
    - - general quotations on the origins of spirit posession coming about in factories, the relations of these spirit possessions to losing control of the body and social relations, various hypotheses on the why
      - spirit posession as a physical and mental acclimatisation to dislocated senses of space, control, identity
      - the mediation of the bomboh negotiating the power relations of the workers and management but to the end of the latter while incidentally alleviating the disturbance of the former
    - - QUOTE
        
        the dismissal of Malay interpretation of spirit events by Western-trained professionals became routine with the large-scale participation of Malays in capitalist industries ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.29
        
        Dr. P. K.Chew complained that "this psychological aberration interrupts production and can create hazards due to inattention to machinery and careless behaviour". he classified "mass hysteria" to incidents according to "frightened" and "seizure" categories. ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.29
        
        the biomedical approach called for the use of sedatives, "isolation" of "infectious" cases, "immunisation" of those susceptible to "disease" ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.30
        
        "a monologue of reason about madness" was thereby introduced to Malaysian society, coinciding with a shift of focus from the afflicted to their chaotic effects on modern institutions ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.30
        
        In the factory environment, "spirit attacks" (kena hantu) was often used interchangeably with "mass hysteria," a term adopted from English language press reports on such incidents. In the manager's view, "hysteria" was a symptom of physical adjustment as the women workers "move from home idleness to factory discipline."ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.36
        
        appearing to agree with native theory, the management reinterpreted spirit possession as a symbol of flawed character and culture. The sick role was reconceptualized as internally produced by outmoded thought and behavior not adequately adjusted to the demands of factory discipline. The worker-patient could have no claim on man- agement sympathy but would have to bear responsibility for her own cultural deficiency. ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.37
        
        forms of conflict management that disguise and yet resolve social tensions within indigenous societies [] policymakers and professionals see spirit posession episodes as an intrusion of archaic beliefs into the modern setting ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.28
      - PARAPHRASE
        
        management understandings from the perspective as a problem that needs to be solved as opposed to the manifestations of a problem inherent, a symptom not the cause. notions of cultural deficiency and calls for amalgamation, 'cultural progress' to the end of efficiency and production
        
        gendered terms of 'hysteria'
        
        whose discomfort is exemplified in these articles, and what problem are solutions pointed to?
        
        very physical treatments alongside the bomboh, affliction taken as two distinctly treatable ails, of the mind and the body, but both affectively sedated does not mean cured, it means managed
    - - QUOTE
        
        the two main classes of spirits recognised by Malays reflect this interior-exterior social/spatial divide: spirits associated with human beings, and the "free" disembodied forms. ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.30x
        
        free spirits are usually associated with special objects or sites marking the boundary between human and natural spaces. [] as the gatekeepers of social boundaries, spirits guard against human transgressions into amoral spaces ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.31
        
        women are hedged in by conventions that keep them out of social roles and spaces dominated by men ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.31
        
        the imagery of spirit posession in modern settings is a rebellion against transgressions of indigenous boundaries governing proper human relations and moral justice ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.33
        
        the construction of modern buildings often without regard for Malay concern about moral space, displaces spirits which take up residence in the toilet tank [] it is the place where their usually discreet disposal of bodily waste is disturbed [] in their hurry to depart, unfleshed toilets and soiled sanitary napkins thrown heater-skelter offend spirits who may attack them. ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.33
        
        factory women pointed out that the production floor and canteen areas were very clean but factory toilets were filthy. a datum haunted the toilet ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.33
        
        Unleashed, these vengeful beings were seen to threaten women for trans- gressing into the zone between the human and nonhuman world, as well as modern spaces formerly the domain of men ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.34
        
        Their intrusion into economic spaces outside the home and village was experienced as moral disorder, symbolized by filth and dangerous sexuality ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.35
        
        However, he failed to convince the management about the need to create a moral space, in Malay terms, on factory premises. Management did not respond to spirit incidents by recon- sidering social relationships on the shop floor; instead, they sought to eliminate the afflicted from the work scene ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.39
      - PARAPHRASE
        
        lots of notions of contamination, of space, of hysteria, and attempts to isolate to solve the problem, calls for a moral space to maintain the spiritual neutrality of the factory
        
        gendered understandings of space and purpose, bleeding into notions of punishment and reprimand for the women
        
        the significance of the datum being in the toilet tank
        
        the boundaries of bodies and space, encased spirits and free, the latter being dangerous
    - - QUOTE
        
        women more likely than men become possessed by spirits. their spiritual frailty, polluting bodies and erotic nature make them especially likely to transgress moral space and therefore permeable by spirits ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.31
        
        in Sungai Jawa, a school girl who urinated on an ant-hill off the beaten track became possessed by a "male" spirit ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.32
        
        young, unmarried women in Malay society are expected to be shy, obedient and deferential, to be observed and not heard. in spirit posession episodes, they speak in other voices that refuse to be silenced ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.33
        
        M. Lewis has suggested that in traditionally gender-stratified societies, women's spirit possession episodes are a "thinly disguised protest against the dominant sex" (1971:31). In Malay society, what is being negotiated in possession incidents and their aftermath are complex issues dealing with the violation of different moral boundaries, of which gender oppression is but one dimension. ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.33
        
        spirits were believed to possess women who had violated moral codes thereby becoming unclean ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.33
        
        Computer chips, like "oriental girls," are identical, whether produced in Malaysia, Tai- wan, or Sri Lanka. For multinational corporations, women are units of much cheap labor power repackaged under the "nimble fingers" label.ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.35
      - PARAPHRASE
        
        the understanding that women are spiritually frail and thus susceptible to spirit possession, much like the concept that women are emotionally frail and thus susceptible to mass hysteria which is contagious among the 'frail sex'
        
        interesting to note that the punishment for one girl was to have the subverted gender spirit within her, the male possession
        
        a notion that spirit possession is a channel for injustices to be communicated, claiming amnesia in the aftermath they are held unaccountable
        
        repeated notion of cleanliness, spiritual purity and this spiritual realm existing in some part to be the spiritual watchdog of women's sexual expression
    - - QUOTE
        
        when they blur the bodily boundaries through the careless disposal of bodily exuviae and effluvia they put themselves in an ambiguous situation becoming most vulnerable to spirit penetration ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.31
        
        menstrual blood is dirty and polluting ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.32
        
        when young Malay women break with village traditions, they may come under increased spirit attacks as well as experience an intensified social and bodily vigilance ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.32
        
        Other materials used in the fabrication of computer chips have been linked to female workers' painful menstruation, their inability to conceive, and re- peated miscarriage ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.37
        
        in Malaysia medicine has become part of hegemonic discourse constructing a "modern" outlook by clearing away the nightmarish visions of Malay workers. however as a technique of both concealment and control, it operates a more sinister way than native beliefs in demons ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.40
      - PARAPHRASE
        
        discusses bodily significance in two ways, one the biological attempts to qualm physical effects of spirit possessions, and the other, how the body moves in space to voice a dislocated sense of self and place.
        
        note here, Fanon's discourse on bodily expression of anger, discontentedness and the need to alleviate through movement, dance
        
        not merely the body but the fluids of the body, interesting to note the extreme care of bodily waste vs the letting go during posession, both acts of mediating social relations in space
  - - - taboo
  - - - An American factory in Sungai Way experienced a large-scale incident in 1978, which in- volved some 120 operators engaged in assembly work requiring the use of microscopes. The factory had to be shut down for three days, and a bomoh was hired to slaughter a goat on the premises. The American director wondered how he was to explain to corporate headquarters that "8,000 hours of production were lost because someone saw a ghost" (Lim 1978:33). ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.32
      - "Some girls started sobbing and screaming hysterically and when it seemed like spreading, the other workers in the production line were immediately ushered out. ... It is a common belief among workers that the factory is "dirty" and supposed to be haunted by a datuk" [Sunday Echo]. ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.32
      - operators had to ask for permission to go to the toilet, and were sometimes questioned intrusively about their "female problems" [] n the EJI plant, foremen sometimes followed workers to the locker room, terrorizing them with their spying. One operator became possessed after screaming that she saw a "hairy leg" when she went to the toilet. ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.33-4
      - Workers saw "things" appear when they went to the toilet. Once, when a woman entered the toilet she saw a tall figure licking sanitary napkins ["Modess" supplied in the cabinet]. It had a long tongue, and those sanitary pads ... cannot be used anymore. ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.34
      - She did not know what had happened ... she saw a hantu, a were-tiger. Only she saw it, and she started screaming.... The foremen would not let us talk with her for fear of recurrence.... People say that the workplace is haunted by the hantu who dwells below..... Well, this used to be all jungle, it was a burial ground before the factory was built. The devil disturbs those who have a weak constitution ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.34
      - "You cannot dispel kampung beliefs. Now and then we call the bomoh to come, every six months or so, to pray, walk around. Then we take pictures of the bomoh in the factory and hang up the pictures. Somehow, the workers seeing these pictures feel safe, [seeing] that the place has been exorcised."
    - - workers in factories would see phantoms relating to the overbearing presence of men in this gender neutral space, previously dominated by men
      - the corrupt hiring of Bomboh to serve the corporation not to heal the afflicted
      - spirit posession as a bodily manifestation of the strained social relationships in the factories which have been subverted