freeman presents power as a dialectical balance which is consciously maintained by Madagascar's president, Ravalomana. it is an exercise across space and time, of enacting seemingly opposed models of power, concurrently, power as agency, power as tradition, power as charisma to explore the role of physical and symbolic space as indicative of being in tune to contemporary need, desire, and traditional expectation. both presence and absence indicate power, but to different extents, as do gift and punishment, Ravalomana juggles these distances, expanding and decreasing the people's vicinity to his source of power to maintain their support but simultaneously uphold the spectacle and thereby reverence of power. Ravalomanana maintains this constant calculation and oscillation of space and vicinity to maintain the traditional and progressive spectacle, a transgression of space in the present to allude to being in tune with the past or future.

space; the organisation of people in space and who determines this organisation.

indeed if 'teen flash mobs' are a fiction told by municipal elites and their supporters to obscure the spatialise effects of large-scale political economic change on urban African Americans [Massaro and Mulliany 2011] then "turbulent crowd actions" involving African American teens should be understood, I think, as part of a broader protest landscape that is revolting against these arrangements. Maskovsky, J., 2017. Reclaiming the streets. Focaal, 2017(79), pp.40

if modulation, not enclosure, is the new means through which power will operate in the world today, then commoning must address the many dangers of a society of continuous control Maskovsky, J., 2017. Reclaiming the streets. Focaal, 2017(79), pp.49

are the refusals by teen crowds, BLM and Philadelphia voters to follow the scripts provided by past movements and politics an attempt to resist enclosure and reclaim public space and resources in order build commons or are they after something [] which has less to do woth establishing a common will and more to do with a form of political action that can move rapidly from place to place, from person to person, group to group to protect [people from] unjust gazes to which they are subjected Maskovsky, J., 2017. Reclaiming the streets. Focaal, 2017(79), pp.49

are the protestors fighting purely over space, or over who is watching the space and how the audience views it

critically analysing the undermining of youth teen mobs as apolitical narcissistic attempts of the youth to see themselves larger, reflected. 'for whatever reason we like to see ourselves reflected back to us in stories'

Maskovsky views power as not only who dominates and manipulates space, but introduces the perspective of who watches that space, controls the narrative of it and has the right of expression in it. he begins by deliberating the domination/ resistance paradigm over space but extends its dimension by adding the elements of seeing and being seen in said space, one can imagine refocusing from merely the stage and props to the active production of that scene; the cameras and people on both sides of the lens. he looks also at agency in space, this being both in negative and positive forms, as such actively removing oneself from the confines of one allotted space, the "outcast ghettos" as the negative bodily practice of absence, and placing oneself in commercialised areas, on the basis that these areas are the ones being seen and with bodies being seen, these realms are where impact is felt.

this paper will explore how the reconstitution of illness, bodies, and consciousness is involved in the deployment of healing practices in multinational factories. ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.28

part of a "complex negotiation of reality" (Crapanzano 1977:16) by an emergent female industrial workforce. ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.28

the workers' profound sense of status ambiguity and dislocation ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.28

this essay seeks to illuminate general questions regarding the connections among afflication, cultural experience and hegemony in the process of social change ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.28

exploring spirit possession in multinational factories based in Malaysia

spirit posession became overnight the affliction of young, unmarried women placed in modern organisations [] "epidemic hysteria" ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.28

the dismissal of Malay interpretation of spirit events by Western-trained professionals became routine with the large-scale participation of Malays in capitalist industries ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.29

Dr. P. K.Chew complained that "this psychological aberration interrupts production and can create hazards due to inattention to machinery and careless behaviour". he classified "mass hysteria" to incidents according to "frightened" and "seizure" categories. ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.29

the biomedical approach called for the use of sedatives, "isolation" of "infectious" cases, "immunisation" of those susceptible to "disease" ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.30

"a monologue of reason about madness" was thereby introduced to Malaysian society, coinciding with a shift of focus from the afflicted to their chaotic effects on modern institutions ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.30

spirit beliefs reflect everyday anxieties about the management of social relations in village society ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.31

the two main classes of spirits recognised by Malays reflect this interior-exterior social/spatial divide: spirits associated with human beings, and the "free" disembodied forms. ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.30x

free spirits are usually associated with special objects or sites marking the boundary between human and natural spaces. [] as the gatekeepers of social boundaries, spirits guard against human transgressions into amoral spaces ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.31

women more likely than men become possessed by spirits. their spiritual frailty, polluting bodies and erotic nature make them especially likely to transgress moral space and therefore permeable by spirits ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.31

women are hedged in by conventions that keep them out of social roles and spaces dominated by men ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.31

when they blur the bodily boundaries through the careless disposal of bodily exuviae and effluvia they put themselves in an ambiguous situation becoming most vulnerable to spirit penetration ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.31

menstrual blood is dirty and polluting ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.32

in Sungai Jawa, a school girl who urinated on an ant-hill off the beaten track became possessed by a "male" spirit ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.32

when young Malay women break with village traditions, they may come under increased spirit attacks as well as experience an intensified social and bodily vigilance ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.32

An American factory in Sungai Way experienced a large-scale incident in 1978, which in- volved some 120 operators engaged in assembly work requiring the use of microscopes. The factory had to be shut down for three days, and a bomoh was hired to slaughter a goat on the premises. The American director wondered how he was to explain to corporate headquarters that "8,000 hours of production were lost because someone saw a ghost" (Lim 1978:33). ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.32

"Some girls started sobbing and screaming hysterically and when it seemed like spreading, the other workers in the production line were immediately ushered out. ... It is a common belief among workers that the factory is "dirty" and supposed to be haunted by a datuk" [Sunday Echo]. ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.32

young, unmarried women in Malay society are expected to be shy, obedient and deferential, to be observed and not heard. in spirit posession episodes, they speak in other voices that refuse to be silenced ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.33

M. Lewis has suggested that in traditionally gender-stratified societies, women's spirit possession episodes are a "thinly disguised protest against the dominant sex" (1971:31). In Malay society, what is being negotiated in possession incidents and their aftermath are complex issues dealing with the violation of different moral boundaries, of which gender oppression is but one dimension. ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.33

the imagery of spirit posession in modern settings is a rebellion against transgressions of indigenous boundaries governing proper human relations and moral justice ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.33

the construction of modern buildings often without regard for Malay concern about moral space, displaces spirits which take up residence in the toilet tank [] it is the place where their usually discreet disposal of bodily waste is disturbed [] in their hurry to depart, unfleshed toilets and soiled sanitary napkins thrown heater-skelter offend spirits who may attack them. ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.33

factory women pointed out that the production floor and canteen areas were very clean but factory toilets were filthy. a datum haunted the toilet ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.33

spirits were believed to possess women who had violated moral codes thereby becoming unclean ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.33

operators had to ask for permission to go to the toilet, and were sometimes questioned intrusively about their "female problems" [] n the EJI plant, foremen sometimes followed workers to the locker room, terrorizing them with their spying. One operator became possessed after screaming that she saw a "hairy leg" when she went to the toilet. ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.33-4

Workers saw "things" appear when they went to the toilet. Once, when a woman entered the toilet she saw a tall figure licking sanitary napkins ["Modess" supplied in the cabinet]. It had a long tongue, and those sanitary pads ... cannot be used anymore. ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.34

he above lurid imagery speaks of the women's loss of control over their bodies as well as their lack of control over social relations in the factory. Furthermore, the image of body alienation also reveals intense guilt (and repressed desire), and the felt need to be on guard against violation by the male management staff who, in the form of fearsome predators, may suddenly materialize anywhere in the factory ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.34

She did not know what had happened ... she saw a hantu, a were-tiger. Only she saw it, and she started screaming.... The foremen would not let us talk with her for fear of recurrence.... People say that the workplace is haunted by the hantu who dwells below..... Well, this used to be all jungle, it was a burial ground before the factory was built. The devil disturbs those who have a weak constitution ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.34

Unleashed, these vengeful beings were seen to threaten women for trans- gressing into the zone between the human and nonhuman world, as well as modern spaces formerly the domain of men ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.34

Their intrusion into economic spaces outside the home and village was experienced as moral disorder, symbolized by filth and dangerous sexuality ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.35

I would argue that the recoding of the human body-work relation is a critical and contested dimension of daily conduct in the modern factory. ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.35

Computer chips, like "oriental girls," are identical, whether produced in Malaysia, Tai- wan, or Sri Lanka. For multinational corporations, women are units of much cheap labor power repackaged under the "nimble fingers" label.ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.35

In the factory environment, "spirit attacks" (kena hantu) was often used interchangeably with "mass hysteria," a term adopted from English language press reports on such incidents. In the manager's view, "hysteria" was a symptom of physical adjustment as the women workers "move from home idleness to factory discipline."ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.36

"You cannot dispel kampung beliefs. Now and then we call the bomoh to come, every six months or so, to pray, walk around. Then we take pictures of the bomoh in the factory and hang up the pictures. Somehow, the workers seeing these pictures feel safe, [seeing] that the place has been exorcised."

bomoh visits and their photographic images were different ways of defining a social reality, which simultaneously acknowledged and manipulated the workers' fear of spirits. ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.36

Other materials used in the fabrication of computer chips have been linked to female workers' painful menstruation, their inability to conceive, and re- peated miscarriage ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.37

appearing to agree with native theory, the management reinterpreted spirit possession as a symbol of flawed character and culture. The sick role was reconceptualized as internally produced by outmoded thought and behavior not adequately adjusted to the demands of factory discipline. The worker-patient could have no claim on man- agement sympathy but would have to bear responsibility for her own cultural deficiency. ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.37

These social relations, brought about in the process of industrial capitalism, are experienced as a moral disorder in which workers are alienated from their bodies, the products of their work, and their own culture.ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.29

The spirit idiom is therefore a language of protest against these changing social circumstances.ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.38

Spirit possession episodes may be taken as expressions both of fear and of resistance against the multiple violations of moral boundaries in the modern factory. They are acts of rebellion, symbolizing what cannot be spoken directly, calling for a renegotiation of obligations between the management and workers ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.38

the management also manipulates the bomoh to serve the interests of the factory rather than express the needs of the work ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.38

However, he failed to convince the management about the need to create a moral space, in Malay terms, on factory premises. Management did not respond to spirit incidents by recon- sidering social relationships on the shop floor; instead, they sought to eliminate the afflicted from the work scene ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.39

in Malaysia medicine has become part of hegemonic discourse constructing a "modern" outlook by clearing away the nightmarish visions of Malay workers. however as a technique of both concealment and control, it operates a more sinister way than native beliefs in demons ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.40

workers in factories would see phantoms relating to the overbearing presence of men in this gender neutral space, previously dominated by men

the corrupt hiring of Bomboh to serve the corporation not to heal the afflicted

spirit posession as a bodily manifestation of the strained social relationships in the factories which have been subverted

ONG views spirit posession as a subconscious form of retaliation against change

discusses bodily significance in two ways, one the biological attempts to qualm physical effects of spirit possessions, and the other, how the body moves in space to voice a dislocated sense of self and place.

note here, Fanon's discourse on bodily expression of anger, discontentedness and the need to alleviate through movement, dance

not merely the body but the fluids of the body, interesting to note the extreme care of bodily waste vs the letting go during posession, both acts of mediating social relations in space

general quotations on the origins of spirit posession coming about in factories, the relations of these spirit possessions to losing control of the body and social relations, various hypotheses on the why

forms of conflict management that disguise and yet resolve social tensions within indigenous societies [] policymakers and professionals see spirit posession episodes as an intrusion of archaic beliefs into the modern setting ONG, A., 1988. the production of possession: spirits and the multinational corporation in Malaysia. American Ethnologist, 15(1), pp.28

spirit posession as a physical and mental acclimatisation to dislocated senses of space, control, identity

the mediation of the bomboh negotiating the power relations of the workers and management but to the end of the latter while incidentally alleviating the disturbance of the former

management understandings from the perspective as a problem that needs to be solved as opposed to the manifestations of a problem inherent, a symptom not the cause. notions of cultural deficiency and calls for amalgamation, 'cultural progress' to the end of efficiency and production

whose discomfort is exemplified in these articles, and what problem are solutions pointed to?

very physical treatments alongside the bomboh, affliction taken as two distinctly treatable ails, of the mind and the body, but both affectively sedated does not mean cured, it means managed

lots of notions of contamination, of space, of hysteria, and attempts to isolate to solve the problem, calls for a moral space to maintain the spiritual neutrality of the factory

gendered understandings of space and purpose, bleeding into notions of punishment and reprimand for the women

the boundaries of bodies and space, encased spirits and free, the latter being dangerous