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FINDINGS #8 (Rivkin (“The explanation is in the changing demographic…

- - - - “The dissimilarity index measures the extent to which schools and the overall student population are racially dissimilar, by calculating the percentage of blacks that would need to change schools if all schools were to have the same percentage of black students. The index is equal to 0 if there is complete integration and 100 if there is complete segregation” (Rivkin, 2016, p. 31).
      - “A simple demographic indicator identifies the percentages of students who are black, white, or from another racial group” (Rivkin, 2016, p. 31).
      - “The exposure index measures the likelihood that a black student will interact with white students, as measured by the average percentage of black children’s schoolmates who are white” (Rivkin, 2016, p. 31).
  - - - “Figure 1b shows the dissimilarity index—the percentage of blacks who would need to change schools if blacks and whites were to attend each school in the same percentage as their percentage of public school enrollment. This school dissimilarity index fell from 81 percent to 71 percent between 1968 and 1980, when southern schools were taking strong steps to eliminate de jure segregation. And it continued to decline—albeit at a slower pace—after 1980, falling to 66 percent by 2012” (Rivkin, 2016, p. 32).
        
        “The steps taken to desegregate schools and increase black student exposure to white students were not strong enough after 1980 to offset the demographic shifts that were increasing the amount of contact between both whites and blacks and the children of immigrants from Latin America, Asia, and elsewhere” (Rivkin, 2016, p. 32).
        
        “Between 1968 and 2012, the percentage white of overall student enrollment in public schools dropped from 80 percent to 51 percent” (Rivkin, 2016, p. 32).
        
        “Between 1988 and 2012, when the exposure index slid 9 percentage points (from 36 percent to 27 percent), the white percentage of all public-school enrollment tumbled by 20 percentage points (from 71 percent to 51 percent)” (Rivkin, 2016, p. 32).
  - - - “The 1974 Supreme Court decision in Millikin v. Bradley found no constitutional violation when de facto segregation resulted from the private choices of individuals to live in one part of a metropolitan area rather than another. As a result, white suburban school districts were under no constitutional requirement to integrate their schools when their new white students had fled a central-city school district that was promulgating a desegregation plan” (Rivkin, 2016, p. 34).
        
        “As Coleman observed, white flight from desegregation intensified segregation between districts” (Rivkin, 2016, p. 35).
  - - - “Unfortunately, Coleman’s methodological approach was not capable of identifying the independent effect of each of these factors” (Rivkin, 2016, p. 36).
        
        “Interestingly, those who had higher initial achievement levels benefited the most from a desegregated environment” (Rivkin, 2016, p. 36).
        
        “Taken as a whole, the evidence on racial composition, desegregation, and resegregation effects suggests that desegregation had a positive but likely uneven effect on academic and social outcomes” (Rivkin, 2016, p. 37).
  - - - “Nevertheless, the report served as a catalyst for a fundamental change in education research and the framework within which policymakers, educators, and citizens conduct debates over education policy” (Rivkin, 2016, p. 37).