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Findings 8 (Rivkin (The Trend Data (o “I begin with a discussion of the…

- - - -  “2) The dissimilarity index measures the extent to which schools and the overall student population are racially dissimilar, by calculating the percentage of blacks that would need to change schools if all schools were to have the same percentage of black students. The index is equal to 0 if there is complete integration and 100 if there is complete segregation. As the potential for desegregation efforts is determined by the distribution of students among districts, I report the index for districts as well as for schools.”(Rivkin, 2016, p. 29)
      -  “3) A simple demographic indicator identifies the percentages of students who are black, white, or from another racial group.”(Rivkin, 22016, p. 29)
      -  “1) The exposure index measures the likelihood that a black student will interact with white students, as measured by the average percentage of black children’s schoolmates who are white.”(Rivkin, 2016, p. 29)
  - - - different facilities and curricula in the school itself
      - variations in educational deficiency or proficiency of fellow students that are correlated with race effects
      - due to racial composition of the student body apart from its level of educational proficiency” (Rivkin, 2016, p. 36).
  - - - “In answering the first question, James S. Coleman and his co-authors documented the de facto segregation found in all parts of the United States, including the South, where the Supreme Court had declared de jure segregation unconstitutional in Brown v. Board of Education (1954)” (Rivkin, 2016, p. 29).
      - “Regarding the second question, Coleman reported that families were more important for learning than were school resources, and, further, that school resources varied more by region than they did by a school’s racial composition within any specific region” (Rivkin, 2016, p. 29).
- - - - “Segregatory realism, a concept we are developing here below, draws in earnest from the same constructs and we might understand these tenets as principles to move the conversation forward. We offer that keeping the following tenets at the forefront of our understanding of race relations, both past and present, is a pathway that might help the nation move closer toward achieving the robust democracy that is in the imagination of many Americans, especially members of the dominant group, but eludes us as a nation and is far from what people of color have historically experienced and is still far from what people of color experience in contemporary times” (Martin, pg. 7)
        
        “Articulating that we live in a democracy or insisting upon a belief that we live in a democracy does not explicate the realities of oppression experienced by so many in this country. These tenets of segratory realism are, therefore, foundational and important within the larger context that questions the very concept of democracy. While we present these in a linear order, they are not intended to be read, understood, or enacted in a linear manner” (Martin, pg. 7)