First Element: The first element involves teachers in a critical analysis of social and institutional inequities and oppression based on gender, race, culture, sexuality, social class, ability, age, and so on. Anti-oppressive educators must assess who benefits and who loses in prevailing economic, political, and social arrangements. They must take into account the power of dominant institutions to perpetuate the status quo and shape what gets taken up as “common sense” and attempt to counter or interrupt oppressive power relations. They recognize that teaching is inevitably political because it involves decisions that affect both the distribution of power, status, resources, and opportunities as well as whose knowledge is recognized and validated. When teachers facilitate classroom discussions, for example, they must decide which issues to recognize as worthy of class time, or in using a particular textbook, teachers can elect to draw students’ attention to the omission or sidelining of subordinated groups—or not. In other words, teachers cannot be value neutral, even though the discourse of teacher neutrality currently circulates as common sense (see Kelly & Brandes, 2001). (Kelly, Brooks, 2009, p. 203)
The second element is a commitment to principled action to achieve social justice. Anti- oppression educators work to create classrooms where their students can think about where they stand on social issues and what they might do to ameliorate suffering and inequities among groups of people with whom they are familiar as well as those with whom they have had little or no contact (Greene, 1998). (Kelly, Brooks, 2009, p. 203)
The third element is the understanding that teaching and learning are social practices medi- ated by language and shifting social and historical contexts. Allied to this is a view of people’s identities as culturally produced within relations of power. The identities of children and youth, for example, have been historically constructed in dominant culture as opposite to that of adults (irrational, emotional, ignorant, carefree, etc.), and this construction has then been used to legit- imate curtailing their self-determination (e.g., power over what and how they learn in school). To say that children’s identities are culturally produced also emphasizes that they are active in this process, not just passively taught ideas and values by adults, as they are conceived in socialization theory. Children enter preschool not “as empty slates but rather bring with them a myriad of perceptions of difference that they have taken up from their families, peers, the media and other social sources and negotiated in the representations of their own identities” (Kelly, Brooks, 2009, p. 204)