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Development theories (classical-traditional approaches (neo-classical…

- - - - Evaluation - same as top-down
  - - - neo-liberalism was witnessed in the form of Thatcher’s popular capitalism in the 1980s, and in America in the guise of Reaganism
        
        newly industrialising countries (NICs), particularly those of Asia, countries were advised to liberalise their economies, encourage entrepreneurship and to seek comparative cost advantage
- - - - 1: plantations formed self-contained bases for the settlement pattern, such that only one main town was required for trade, service and political control functions.
      - 2: Following emancipation, the second stage, small, marginal farming communities – clustered around the plantations, practising subsistence agriculture and supplying labour to the plantations – added a third layer to the settlement system. The distribution of these communities would vary according to physical and agricultural conditions
      - 3: in the Caribbean, the modern era has witnessed the extension of this highly polarised pattern of development. The emphasis is placed on extension; result of industrialisation and tourism being taken as the twin paths to development
  - - - Stage 1: initial search phase of mercantilism, involving the quest for economic information on the part of the prospective colonising power.
      - Stage 2: testing of productivity and the harvest of natural storage, with the periodic harvesting of staples such as fish, furs and timber. However, no permanent settlement is established in the colony.
      - Stage 3: planting of settlers who produce staples and who consume the manufactures of the home country occurs. The settlement system of the colony is established via a point of attachment. The developing symbiotic relationship between the colony and the colonial power is witnessed by a sharp reduction in the effective distance separating them. The major port in the homeland becomes pre-eminent
      - Stage 4: characterised by the introduction of internal trade and manufacture in the colony. At this juncture, penetration occurs inland from the major gateways in the colony, based on staple production. There is rapid growth of manufacturing in the homeland to supply the overseas and home markets. Ports continue to increase in significance
      - Stage 5: sees the establishment of a mercantile settlement pattern and central-place infilling occurs within the colony; there emerges a central-place settlement system with a mercantile overlay in the homeland
      - Hence the source of change is external to developing countries. In contrast, the development of settlement patterns and systems of central places in the developed world was based on endogenic principles of local demand, thereby rendering what is essentially a closed settlement system (Christaller, 1933; Lösch, 1940).
        
        hallmark of the mercantile model is the remarkable linearity of settlement patterns, first along coasts, especially in colonies, and then along the routes that developed between the coastal points of attachment and the staple-producing interiors
  - - - 1: independent local centres with no hierarchy represents the pre-colonial stage and is associated with a series of isolated self-sufficient local economies. There is no surplus production to be concentrated in space, and an even and essentially stable pattern of settlement and socio-economic development is the result.
      - 2: a single strong centre, it is posited that as the result of some form of ‘external disruption’ – a euphemism for colonialism – the former stability is replaced by dynamic change. Growth is envisaged to occur rapidly in one main region and urban primacy is the spatial outcome. What may be referred to as ‘social surplus product’ is strongly concentrated – essentially this is a concentrated surplus of production over need. The centre (C) feeds on the rest of the nation, and the extensive periphery (P) is drained. Advantage tends to accrue to a small elite of urban consumers, who are located at the centre. However, Friedmann regarded this stage as inherently unstable.
      - 3: The outcome of this instability is the development of a single national centre with strong peripheral sub-centres. Over time, the simple centre–periphery pattern is progressively transformed to a multi-nuclear one. Sub-cores develop (SC1, SC2), leaving a series of intermetropolitan peripheries (P1 to P4). This is the graphical representation of the point of polarisation reversal when development starts to be concentrated in parts of the former periphery, albeit on a highly concentrated basis
      - 4: which sees the development of a functionally interdependent system of cities, was described by Friedmann as ‘organised complexity’ and is one where progressive national integration continues, eventually witnessing the total absorption of the intermetropolitan peripheries. A smooth progression of cities by size and a smooth process of national development are envisaged as the outcomes
      - drawback: as he was presenting the simplified model as a template, Friedmann observed that in reality there was evidence of persistent disequilibrium
- - - - Example:
        
        Frank specifically cited the instances of north-east Brazil and the West Indies as regions of close contact with the core, but where processes of internal transformation had been rendered impossible due to such close contact
        
        Frank presents Brazil as clearest case of national and regional underdevelopment, argued that the expansion of capitalism beginning in the 16th century incorporated urban cores and their extensive hinterlands into the global economy as exporting nodes. Cities such as Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo and Paraná figured most prominently in this expansion. Frank (1967) argued that this process witnessed the apparent development of these nodes, but in the long run led to the underdevelopment of the wider region.
      - Criticisms
        
        economistic, seeing all as the outcome of a form of economic determinism, conforming with what Armstrong and McGee (1985: 38–9) have described as the ‘impersonal, even mechanical analysis of structuralism’
        
        theory only appears to deal with class structure and other factors internal to a given nation, insofar as they are the outcome of the fundamental economic processes described
        
        dependency theory suggests that countries can only advance their lots by delinking from the global economy, whereas the capitalist world system is busily becoming more global and interdependent.
        
        dependency theory has largely been out of fashion in the First World since the 1980s (Preston, 1996
      - Evaluation
        
        Frank’s ideas are seen by many as being near to the orthodox Marxist view that the advanced capitalist world at once both exploited and kept the Third World underdeveloped
        
        Hettne (1995) notes, dependency theory stressed that the biggest obstacles to development are not a lack of capital or entrepreneurial skill, but are to be found in the international division of labour
        
        pure dependency theory exhibits many parallels with the spatial outcomes of the core–periphery, mercantile and plantopolis models of settlement development and structure
  - - - example 2: operation of apartheid in South Africa where socalled ‘homelands’ preserved traditional mode of production to conserve black labour, which was then allowed to commute to ‘White South Africa’.
      - example: low-income housing, where the poor are left to provide their own homes whereas the formal sector provides for the middle and upper classes (Burgess, 1990)
      - example 3 Aborigines
        
        Drakakis-Smith (1983): Australia experienced many different facets of colonialism however always had own internal exploitation of its indigenous Aboriginal population by Whites
        
        Aborigines subordinate, deprived and exploited group within Australian society
        
        government measures institutionalised Aboriginal dependency in an unequal relationship which brings benefits principally to the White middle classes
        
        mode of distribution: sharing hunted and gathered food, strongly related to mode of production.
        
        pre-capitalist Aboriginal economy characterized by intense involvement with land in physical and spiritual terms, especially spiritual
        
        small numbers, simple lifestyle and apparent lack of political organisation convinced British that there was no need for negotiation or treaties with such a ‘primitive’ people
        
        all land declared to be Crown land, no compensation paid to Aborigines, no pre-existing rights recognised (loss of economic and spiritual value)
        
        Australian colonial economy: labour provided by assigned convicts, later by larger landowners buying out initial smallholders.
        
        By 1830s rapid development of sheep farming to supply wool for export encouraged large-scale labour migration from Britain
        
        expansion of pastoral farming brought ignored Aborigines in contact with Whites
        
        settlement pushing into regions where conditions were harsher and Aborigines more numerous; Aboriginal labour becoming necessity when challenging regions led to a reduced enthusiasm of recruited White labour to move north
        
        Aboriginal labour extensively used from the 1880s onwards; living conditions and diet mostly inadequate, populations decimated.
        
        value of the Aboriginal labour began to be more appreciated, so Australian government began to establish expanded reserves and settlements
        
        since 1945: Aboriginal community contributes to production but now more important as a consumer group for system operated almost entirely by Whites; comprises a 3rd stage in the institutionalisation of Aborigines within a dependency framework, following the appropriation of their land and labour power.
        
        therefore, the dominant capitalist mode of production conserved the Aboriginal pre-capitalist mode of production largely for its role as a consumer of goods and services; class position and economic prosperity of the White population is largely dependent on this relationship
- - - - Criticism
        
        Preston (1996), among others, has argued that ‘the schedule of reforms inaugurated by the New Right have not generally proved to be successful’.
        
        ‘Krugman thesis’. This argues that the so-called miracles of Asian develop- ment can largely be attributed to once-in-a-lifetime changes which, having once been enacted, cannot by definition be repeated.
        
        lack of unionisation, poor working conditions and authoritarian government as factors promoting high productivity, but in ways which are not acceptable elsewhere