Transnationalism and Diaspora

The concept of transnationalism

Definitions

Vertovec (2001) broadly defines transnational communities as groups of migrants who retain deep and extended attachments to people, traditions and movements located outside the boundaries of the nation state in which they reside

the multiple ties and interactions linking people and institutions across the borders of nation states (vertovec 2001)

Theories of international migration tend to suggest that migrants cross borders, bringing their culture with them, and become relatively less or more assimilated into the prevailing cultural norms of the new territory, But research is increasingly recognising that new transnational 'hybrid' identities are forming, therefore in contrast to seeing cultural identity as tied to either the nation of origin or the host nation, it is more appropriate to see it as transnational. (McEwan 2004)

Research on transnationalism generally reveals that large numbers of people now live in social worlds that are stretched between or dually located in physical places and communities in two or more nation states. (McEwan 2004)

transnational theories do not see immigrant cultures as baggage to be packed, uprooted and transplanted (McEwan 2004)

transnational identities are increasingly enabled by modern technologies such as satellite tv, social media, telecommunications and mass affordable travel. More liberal state policies also enable transnational identities - such as dual citizenship - able to vote (engage in politics) in two different countries (McEwan 2004)

Transnational identities

transnationalism upsets ideas about citizenship since the nation can no longer be thought of as a way to classify and organise people. cross border networks and transnational migrant communities challenge assumptions that the nation state acts as a container or social, economic, cultural and political processes.

Transmigration can become a point of contention in sexual politics. for example, a same sex couple who are legally married in the UK may not be recognised in Northern Ireland.

The previously hegemonic figure of the 'cultrual mosaic' with its territorialised union of people and place has been replaced by concepts of travel, mobility, migrancy flow and displacement in human geography (Crang et al. 2003)

“The notion that there is an immutable (unchanging over time) link between cultures, peoples or identities and specific places, a permanent join between a particular culture and a stable terrain, is increasingly wearing thin” (Lavie and Swedenburg 1996)

It is now widely recognised that that social and cultural processes regularly exceed the boundaries of individual nation states, sketching ‘transnational’ cartographies of cultural circulation, identification and action

Cultural identities are no longer wedded to particular nation states, and places are rethought not as intrinsically bound entities but as constellations of connections within those wider cultural circuits (Massey 1994).

Identities are seen as hybrid, postcolonial, malleable and everchanging representations that may be ‘in-between’ and always in the making. Such views on diaspora stress the incomplete, unstable and fluid nature of identities, and cultures generally, insisting on the fallacy of claims of authenticity and hegemonic, artificial, all encompassing boundaries put around people, nation states, communities and identities. (Mavroudi 2007)

Feelings of home and belonging are increasingly being seen as affected by the process of migration and globalisation and can no longer be simplistically theorised and analysed. As Rapport and Dawson (1998) stress: ‘in a world of movement, home becomes an arena where different interests struggle to define their own spaces within which to localise and cultivate their identity’. Home is a concept that is always in motion, moving in and between multiple locations. The idea of home is, therefore, increasingly being seen as flexible, complicated and dynamic. (Mavroudi 2007)

BUT – it is important to note that although notions of diaspora may decentre and disrupt the bounded nation-state and citizenship, it is unable to fully displace it given the massive military and legal forces that ensure its continuity. States are continually involved in the maintenance of boundaries – both physically in terms of securing borders, but also through the identification and classification of its citizens (through legal documents – passport, birth certificate etc.). (Mavroudi 2007)

Transnational commodities/cultures

Fashion

Despite the ephemeral (temporary) nature of fashion, the use of certain fabrics, styles of clothing and accessories reminiscent of Southern Asian contexts has remained a persistent presence in the fashion cultures of Britain. (Jackson et al 2007)

The emergence of a new generation of designers, both British born and trained, but with an Asian heritage, has resulted in the creation of a new and distinctively British-Asian fashion culture. The transformation of telecommunications links between Britain and the sub-continent has produced a fashion industry which is truly transnational in its operations so that designs sketched in London are faxed back to India for immediate manufacture. (Jackson et al 2007)

Clothing practices reflect the everyday decisions that people make about their individual and collective identity, their negotiation of class, age, gender, religion; and in the context of space, such as workplace to school, to home, and to a special occasion. Transnational fashion is therefore clearly embedded within local contexts. In London for example, a preference for ‘Indian clothing’ was justified on the grounds of practicality and comfort, while in India it was also preferred on the grounds of style, quality and fit. (Jackson et al 2007)

Therefore, Jackson et al argue that a variety of ‘global’ influences are indigenised within specific consumption contexts and that locally meaningful discourses shape individual consumption practices. Whilst fashion may be transnational in nature, crossing global borders, it is highly localised in terms of consumption.

Transnational fashion in Britain is frequently criticised as a forceful tendency of white, western elites appropriating other cultures as part of a ‘cultural logic of multinational capitalism’. Jackson et al argue here that British and Indian fashion cultures are inherently hybrid: a complex mixture of global and local influences including both ‘traditional’ and ‘modern’ elements. They challenge the essentialist view that sees cultural authenticity as the innate property of this type of fashion.

Miller (2011) studied migrant Filipino mothers in Britain who were involved in ‘transnational mothering’ – talking to their children everyday via the internet, advising on homework and sharing problems.

Koser (2003) researched how Eritreans living abroad were able to engage in the making of a new Eritrean state.
Remittances also constitute heavily to the economy in some countries – for example remittances represented over 30% of GDP in Nepal in 2016 (World Bank 2016).

These forms of transnational relations raise important questions about culture and place and the construction of identity. If social, political, and cultural relations are stretched out across space, then cultural identity can no longer be thought of as being bounded in one place (such as a nation). Dwyer 2013

Transnational spaces

Using Bollywood as an example, we see that Indian culture is neither confined solely to India, nor is it simply being transported by migrants from one place to another. Instead these transnational links suggest a more dynamic conceptualisation of cultures being formed and transformed across and between national boundaries.

“Diaspora identities are at once local and global. They are networks of transnational identifications” (Brah 1996).

Music

Gilroy (1993) discusses the diasporic nature of African music. He argues that the music of the black Atlantic diaspora – blues, reggae, jazz, soul, rap – have all been produced through fusions of influences in different places.

Gilroy’s argument is that all these musical forms are the results of fusions of different cultural traditions within the black Atlantic diaspora. While all the musical forms retain some distinctive elements of what might be deemed ‘African’, they have been transformed within different geographical and national contexts. Through these connections Gilroy upsets the notion of tradition or fixed origins. The musical forms of the black Atlantic are not diluted forms of ‘traditional’ African music, but are new syncretic (fusion) forms produced within diasporic culture through cultural flows or interconnecting routes.

For Brah (1996), diaspora spaces are “the point at which boundaries of inclusion and exclusion, of belonging and otherness, of us and them, are contested”.

There are many places we can consider to be diasporic spaces. For example ‘Chinatowns’ in many cities may have begun as segregated residential spaces and as key sites for the provision of ethnic goods, but they have been revitalised as commodified tourist spaces. However, some argue that such towns simplify or essentialise ethnic identities. (Dwyer 2013)

Religious spaces can also be considered to be diasporic: for example the Jain Temple in London is both a careful recreation of temples in India, as well as a hybrid architectural form with accommodations to both British planning regulations and the vagaries of English weather.

Brah (1996) argues that transnational spaces are not limited to the diasporic communities that occupy them. The concept of diaspora space is used to describe cultural geographies that are 'inhabited' not only by diasporic subjects but equally by those who are represented as 'indigenous'. For example "in the diaspora space called England...African-Caribbean, Irish, Asian, Jewish, and other diasporas intersect among themselves as well as with the entity constructed as 'Englishness', thoroughly re-inscribing it in the process"

While particular goods may appear to be 'de-territorialised' in the sense that they are sourced from places that may be very distant from where they are consumed, their meanings are 're-territorialised' through distinctive local contexts of consumption (Crang et al 2004)