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Race & the Far Right (Ford & Goodwin (2014) (Cites Przeworski: old…
Race & the Far Right
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Blinder, Ford & Ivarsflaten (2013): The Better Angels of Our Nature: How the anti-prejudice norm affects policy & party preferences in GB & Germany
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'As fear dissolves social norms against prejudice toward the threatening group, hostility previously held in check may come to the surface...' - also cites others who agree with them
McLaren (2003)
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Notes how findings conflict w/ US research - suggetst that this is b/c US research currently focuses less on 'intimate' contact
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J. Evans (2005)
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Find mid-education group, not lowest education most likely to vote RPP
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Ford & Goodwin (2014)
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Notes Social Democrat (SD) parties often used to be hostile to the European project, viewing it as 'a capitalist club'
disadvantaged (working class, no qualifications, old) more likely to hold STRONGER NATIONALISM
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Mainstream parties tried to react, HOWEVER, voters so DIS-SATISFIED w/political elites that they cannot be bought off
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Koopmans, Statham, Giugni & Passy (2005)
Immigration debate more pronounced in EU b/c of more ethnocultural 'thicker' tradition of nationhood
Jones & P. Smith (2001) dispute this, noting remarkably commonality of ethno-cultural attitudes b/w European & 'colonial' nations
As immigration origin populations have grown, so have demands
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2002, Jean-Marie Le Pen beats socialist PM Jospin in 1st round of presidential eelction
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Impact of immigration in 3 areas:
1) sovereign control over external borders
2) Regulation of access to citizenship
3) Cultural self-understanding (i.e. national identity)
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Miles (UK) & Roth (Netherlands): Acknowledging/creating a racial/cultural group facilitates discrimination?
'soft' handling of problems that disproportionately affect migrant populations: e.g. welfare dependnecy
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Oesch (2008)
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Is the correlation of working class w/their variables so high, that controlling for them produces problems of multicollinearity?
Koopmans, Michalowski & Waibel (2012)
extension of rights to immigrants relevant to the question of whether borders & distinctions b/w nation states are eroding in a globalised world
convergence thesis
If true, rights now more encompassing & therefore fewer cultural assimilation requirements
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internationalised culture, global human rights, international treaties & organisations
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Note the rise in the Sweden Democrats, 2010: 5.7% '14: 12.9% (3rd largest party)
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From 1980 to 2008: 'immigrant-origin\ electorate increased from 1.5% to 8% in 10 Western European countries (national electorate share)
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'multi-cultural rights' debate: not immigration debate per se, but whether new & existing cultural & religious minorities have special rights to their practices
Golder (2003)
Also finds Pop. Right fares better when district magnitude is larger & when there are more seats in upper tiers
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Notes FN, German Republicans & FPO making links b/w unemployment & immigration & that this requires only PERCEPTION, not truth
Problem of Selection Bias: v. imp. to also look @ the countries where the Pop. Right is NOT successful
e.g. Ireland, Portugal, Iceland, Luxembourg, Finland & others tend to be omitted from analyses
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Meguid (2005)
NB: behaviour of BOTH parties matters: dismiss & adverse/accommodate will strengthen/weaken accordingly
Says evidenced by Socialists' aversion to the FN, Gaullists too slow to react
by the time Gaullists accommodated, FN was entrenched
Also: e.g. 2000 pres election: Rep adversarial to Greens, Dem ignored
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Parties can adopt 1 of 3 strategies on a NEW issue:
1) Ignore
2) Accomodate (converge)
3) Adversarial (diverge)
Says adversarial encourages niche party support b/c strengthens niche party's ownership of the issue (& claims evidence supports b/c stat. sig.)
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Analysis of niche parties, categorising Green Parties alongside Radical Right 'ethno-territorial parties'
commonality is their rejection of traditional class politics; the 'novelty' of the issues they raise'; & their limited issue appeal
How far is this still true? Have the UK Greens credibly transitioned into an anti-austerity party? How about RPPs as new class politics?
Ivarsflaten (2008)
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though some parties mobilise over economic changes or grievances about political elitism & corruption
measures RW economic preferences w/2 questions about gvt income redistribution & the need for strong trade unions
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Ivarsflaten (2005)
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Says that while you cannot fail to notice the anti-tax, anti-'nanny state', Poujadist or welfare backlash component of the populist right's approach the fact that blue collar otherwise vote LW makes economic coalition untenable
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Find that the occupational groups that the Pop. Right over-represents are te most divided on the small-state Exclusionism scale
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Ivarsflaten (2006): Reputational shields: why most anti-immigrant parties failed in Western Europe 1980-2005
Acknowledge that cannot account for FN, but say its an outlier
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Rejects (partially) Meguid by arguing that parties left considerable open space on the immigration gap, implying that policy was not a vote winner (something more needed)
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Of those that did succeed, 6/7 had reputational shiedls
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6/7 anti-immigrant parties failed to achieve electoral success when Europe was in an immigration crisis