Prior to this time (American and French Revolutions), peasants of eighteenth-century France, Germany, England, Spain, and other European dynastic territories identified themselves primarily as Christians. If there was any political nexus between the peasant and the king, queen, prince, or duke, it was primarily in the form of tax payment.
The "nation" as a grass-roots phenomenon, then, is of very recent vintage in most parts of Europe
Nationalism is a process, not an event or historical fact of a given time and location.
Not the least of the sources of mass nationalism was war itself. It was chronicled by many during the French revolutionary and Napoleonic wars. These wars were instrumental in breaking down the dynastic regime's deliberate separation of the state, army, and society. The "nation in arms" concept could not have worked in practice without popular sentimental and patriotic mobilization. Military service, conscription, and wartime propaganda all helped develop a sense of national community where only localisms had prevailed previously
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In them, the state existed long before a sense of national community emerged. Yet, the idea that there are "natural" communities and that these should form the basis of the state emerged shortly after the French Revolution. Nationalism as an idea preceded it as a fact.
Under the influence of Romanticism, [...] the idea of language as the basis of a "national" political community gained popularity. The "nation" is a community whose membership includes only those who communicate via the medium of a unique vernacular. If some do not speak the vernacular, they are "others" - virtual foreigners - who then have a special, and usually inferior, status. If state frontiers separate members of the language community, they are arbitrary and unnatural and must be changed. [...] the polity must coincide with the community since the community precedes the polity.
The historical development of standardized vernaculars is a product of modern means of communication combined with the educational policies of the state. Fichte had it wrong: in most of Europe, states created nations and standardized vernaculars, not the reverse.
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